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BrentKoivopolo888
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Grand Inquisitive

Just renamed my cat Gandalf because I found out he's a male cat.

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JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:40:33 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:40:33 GMT -6

THE GENUINE

WORKS

OF

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS

THE

JEWISH HISTORIAN.

Translated from the Original Greek, according to

Havercamp’s accurate Edition.

CONTAINING

Twenty Books of the JEWISH Antiquities,

WITH THE

Appendix or Life of JOSEPHUS, written by himself:

Seven Books of the JEWISH WAR:

AND

Two Books against APION.

Illustrated

With new Plans and Descriptions of the Tabernacle of Moses;

and of the Temples of Solomon, Zorobabel, Herod, and Ezekiel;

and with correct MAPS of Judea and Jerusalem.

Together with

Proper Notes, Observations, Contents, Parallel Texts of Scripture, five compleat

Indexes, and the true Chronology of the several Histories adjusted in the Margin.

By WILLIAM WHISTON, M.A.

Some time Professor of the Mathematicks in the University of Cambridge.

LONDON

1737.

Love is sacrifice.

BrentKoivopolo888
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Grand Inquisitive

Just renamed my cat Gandalf because I found out he's a male cat.

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JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:41:02 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:41:02 GMT -6

Flavius Josephus of the Antiquities of the Jews - Preface (1)

1. Those who undertake to write histories, do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one and the same account; but for many reasons, and those such as are very different one from another. For some of them apply themselves to this part of learning to shew their great skill in composition; and that they may therein acquire a reputation for speaking finely. Others of them there are, who write histories, in order to gratify those that happen to be concerned in them; and on that account have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond their own abilities in the performance. But others there are, who of necessity, and by force are driven to write history; because they were concerned in the facts: and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the advantage of posterity. Nay there are not a few, who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the publick, on account of the great importance of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. Now of these several reasons for writing history, I must profess the two last were my own reasons also. For since I was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the Romans, and knew my self its particular actions, and what conclusion it had, I was forced to give the history of it, because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actions in their writings.

2. Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to all the Greeks (2) worthy of their study: for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our government; as interpreted out of the Hebrew scriptures. (3) And indeed, I did formerly intend when I wrote of the war, (4) to explain who the Jews originally were; what fortunes they had been subject to; and by what legislator they had been instructed in piety and the exercise of other virtues; what wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were unwillingly engaged in this last with the Romans. But because this work would take up a great compass, I separated it into a set treatise by it self, with a beginning of its own, and its own conclusion. But in process of time, as usually happens to such as undertake great things, I grew weary, and went on slowly. It being a large subject, and a difficult thing to translate our history into a foreign, and to us, unaccustomed language. However, some persons there were, who desired to know our history, and so exhorted me to go on with it: and, above all the rest Epaphroditus, (5) a man who is a lover of all kind of learning; but is principally delighted with the knowledge of history; and this on account of his having been himself concerned in great affairs, and many turns of fortune; and having shewn a wonderful vigor of an excellent nature, and an immoveable virtuous resolution in them all. I yielded to this man’s persuasions; who always excites such as have abilities in what is useful and acceptable, to join their endeavours with his. I was also ashamed my self to permit any laziness of disposition to have a greater influence upon me, than the delight of taking pains in such studies as were very useful. I thereupon stirred up my self, and went on with my work more chearfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I had others which I greatly reflected on; and these were, that our forefathers were willing to communicate such things to others; and that some of the Greeks took considerable pains to know the affairs of our nation.

3. I found therefore that the second of the Ptolemies, was a King who was extraordinary diligent in what concerned learning, and the collection of books; that he was also peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation of our law, and of the constitution of our government therein contained, into the Greek tongue. Now Eleazar1 the High Priest, one not inferior to any other of that dignity among us, did not envy the fore-named King the participation of that advantage: which otherwise he would for certain have denied him; but that he knew the custom of our nation was, to hinder nothing of what we esteemed our selves from being communicated to others. Accordingly I thought it became me, both to imitate the generosity of our High Priest, and to suppose there might even now be many lovers of learning like the King. For he did not obtain all our writings at that time;(6) but those who were sent to Alexandria as interpreters, gave him only the books of the law. While there were a vast number of other matters in our sacred books. They indeed contain in them the history of five thousand years. (7) In which time happened many strange accidents; many chances of war, and great actions of the commanders, and mutations of the form of our government. Upon the whole, a man that will persue this history may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then ’tis to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws: and that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before, becomes impracticable; (8) and whatsoever they set about as a good thing, is converted into an incurable calamity. And now I exhort all those that peruse these books, to apply their minds to God; and to examine the mind of our legislator; whether he hath not understood his nature in a manner worthy of him; and hath not ever ascribed to him such operations as become his power; and hath not preserved his writings from those indecent fables which others have framed: although by the great distance of time when he lived, he might have securely forged such lies. For he lived two thousand years ago. (9) At which vast distance of ages the poets themselves have not been so hardy as to fix even the generations of their Gods; much less the actions of their men, or their own laws. As I proceed therefore I shall accurately describe what is contained in our records, in the order of time that belongs to them. For I have already promised so to do throughout this undertaking; and this without adding any thing to what is therein contained, or taking away any thing therefrom.

4. But because almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom of Moses, our legislator, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concerning him beforehand, though I shall do it briefly. I mean because otherwise those that read my books may wonder how it comes to pass, that my discourse, which promises an account of laws and historical facts, contains so much of philosophy. The reader is therefore to know, that Moses deemed it exceeding necessary, that he who would conduct his own life well, and give laws to others, in the first place should consider the divine nature; and upon the contemplation of God’s operations, should thereby imitate the best of all patterns, so far as it is possible for human nature to do; and to endeavour to follow after it; neither could the legislator himself have a right mind, without such a contemplation; nor would any thing he should write tend to the promotion of virtue in his readers: I mean unless they be taught first of all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things; and sees all things; and that thence he bestows an happy life upon those that follow him; but plunges such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. Now when Moses was desirous to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did not begin the establishment of his laws after the same manner that other legislators did; I mean, upon contracts, and other rights between one man and another: but by raising their minds upwards to regard God, and his creation of the world; and by persuading them that we Men are the most excellent of the creatures of God upon earth. Now when once he had brought them to submit to religion, he easily persuaded them to submit in all other things. For as to other legislators, they followed fables; and by their discourses transferred the most reproachful of human vices unto the gods: and so afforded wicked men the most plausible excuses for their crimes. But as for our legislator, when he had once demonstrated that God was possessed of perfect virtue, he supposed that men also ought to strive after the participation of it. And on those who did not so think, and so believe, he inflicted the severest punishments. I exhort therefore my readers to examine this whole undertaking in that view: for thereby it will appear to them, that there is nothing therein disagreeable either to the majesty of God, or to his love to mankind. For all things have here a reference to the nature of the universe: while our legislator speaks some things wisely, but enigmatically; and others under a decent allegory: but still explains such things as required a direct explication plainly and expressly. However, those that have a mind to know the reasons of every thing, may find here a very curious philosophical theory: which I now indeed shall wave the explication of: but if God afford me time for it, I will set about writing it (10) after I have finished the present work. I shall now betake my self to the history before me: after I have first mentioned what Moses says of the creation of the world: which I find described in the sacred books after the manner following.

Notes

(1) This preface of Josephus’s is excellent in its kind; and highly worthy the repeated perusal of the reader, before he set about the perusal of the work it self.

(2) That is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans.

(3) That Josephus never followed the Septuagint, nor any other Greek version, in these his antiquities, or other works, but only the Hebrew original: and this so punctually through all his known writings, as to make use of none of the sacred books but those that were written in Hebrew, and belonged to the Jerusalem catalogue: See proved, Essay on the Old Testament, pag. 184–195. and Supplement, pag. 45, 46.

(4) We may seasonably note here, that Josephus wrote his seven books of the Jewish War, long before he wrote these his Antiquities. Those books of the War were published about A.D. 75, and these Antiquities A.D. 93, about eighteen years later. See Fabricius apud Havercamp, pag. 58, 59.

(5) This Epaphroditus was certainly alive in the third year of Trajan, A.D. 100. See the IVth Dissertation, which is upon the chronology of Josephus, § 1., and the Note on the L. I against Apion, § 1. Who he was we do not know. For as to Epaphroditus, the freed man of Nero, Tacit. Annal. XV.55., Nero’s, and afterwards Domitian’s, Secretary, Sueton in Neron. § 49. who was put to death by Domitian in the 14th or 15th year of his reign, Sueton. in Domit. § 14. he could not be alive in the third of Trajan.

1 This Eleazar was High Priest, and the brother of Simon the just. XII.2.4.

(6) That the publick translation under Ptolemy Philadelphus went no farther than the Pentateuch, as Josephus says here; and who they were that translated the other books of the Old Testament about the same time: See the Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, Appendix, pag. 117–152.

(7) That this Josephus’s chronology agreed neither with the Masorite Hebrew, nor with the present Septuagint, but almost always with that of the Samaritan Pentateuch, and contained not very much less than 5000 years, see Essay on the Old Testament, pag. 195–203. which is here recommended by Fabricius to the consideration of the reader, ap. Havercamp, pag. 59.

(8) Josephus here plainly alludes to the famous Greek proverb, Θεοῦ παρόντος πᾶν ἄπορον πόριμον. If God be with us, every thing that is impossible, becomes possible.

(9) Of Josephus’s chronology both here and hereafter the reader is not to expect much account in these Notes; because it is all distinctly stated and determined in the IVth Dissertation. However, he is to observe, that tho’ the numbers at the beginning of every book are translations from the last editions of Josephus, and so imperfect; yet that those in the margin {presented in this online edition occasionally in [brackets] in the text or as notes, when I feel like it} are my own numbers, as they are more perfectly discovered and stated in the chronology, and my chronological table, published A.D. 1721. Josephus often corrected his own chronology, and for want of Ptolemy’s Canon, and of the knowledge of the years of Jubilee, which are sure guides to me in this matter, was often mistaken; so I choose rather to give the Reader in the margin the true chronology, than to perplex him with such a chronology as we now know to be not seldom, nor a little erroneous.

(10) As to this intended work of Josephus’s concerning the reasons of many of the Jewish laws, and what philosophical or allegorical sense they would bear; the loss of which work is by some of the learned not much regretted; I am inclinable, in part, to Fabricius’s opinion, ap. Havercamp, pag. 63, 64, that “We need not doubt but, among some vain and frigid conjectures derived from Jewish imaginations, Josephus would have taught us a greater number of excellent and useful things; which perhaps no body, neither among the Jews, nor among the Christians can now inform us of. So that I would give a great deal to find it still extant.” So says Fabricius.

Love is sacrifice.

BrentKoivopolo888
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Grand Inquisitive

Just renamed my cat Gandalf because I found out he's a male cat.

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JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:42:48 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:42:48 GMT -6

THE

LIFE

OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. (1)

1. The family from which I am derived is not an ignoble one; but hath descended all along from the priests. And as nobility among several people is of a different origin, so with us to be of the sacerdotal dignity is an indication of the splendour of a family. Now I am not only sprung from a sacerdotal family in general; but from the first of the twenty four courses. (2) And as among us there is not only a considerable difference between one family of each course and another, I am of the chief family of that first course also. Nay farther, by my mother I am of the royal blood. For the children of Asamoneus, from whom that family was derived, had both the office of the High Priesthood, and the dignity of a King for a long time together. I will accordingly set down my progenitors in order. My grandfathers father was named Simon, with the addition of Psellus. He lived at the same time with that son of Simon the High Priest, who first of all the High Priests was named Hyrcanus.1 This Simon Psellus had nine sons. One of which was Matthias, called Ephlias. He married the daughter of Jonathan, the High Priest. Which Jonathan was the first of the sons of Asamoneus, who was High Priest, and was the brother of Simon the High Priest also. This Matthias had a son called Matthias Curtus: and that in the first year of the government of Hyrcanus [An. 134]. His son’s name was Joseph; born in the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra [An. 70]. His son Matthias was born in the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus [A.D. 7]: as was I born to Matthias on the first year of the reign of Caius Cæsar [A.D. 37]. I have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was born on the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian [A.D. 72]: as was Justus born on the seventh [A.D. 75], and Agrippa on the ninth [A.D. 77]. Thus have I set down the genealogy of my family, as I have found it described in the publick records; (3) and so bid adieu to those who calumniate me [as of a lower original.]

2. Now my father Matthias was not only eminent on account of his nobility, but had an higher commendation on account of his righteousness; and was in great reputation in Jerusalem, the greatest city we have. I was my self brought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias: for he was my own brother, by both father and mother; and I made mighty proficiency in the improvements of my learning; and appeared to have both a great memory, and understanding. Moreover, when I was a child, and about fourteen years of age, I was commended by all for the love I had to learning; on which account the High Priests, and principal men of the city came then frequently to me together, in order to know my opinion about the accurate understanding of points of the law. And when I was about sixteen years old [A.D. 53], I had a mind to make trial of the several sects that were among us. These sects are three: the first is that of the Pharisees; the second that Sadducees; and the third that of the Essens; as we have frequently told you. For I thought that by this means I might choose the best, if I were once acquainted with them all. So I contented myself with hard fare; and underwent great difficulties; and went through them all. Nor did I content my self with these trials only: but when I was informed that one whose name was Banus lived in the desert, and used no other clothing than grew upon trees; and had no other food than what grew of its own accord; and bathed himself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I imitated him in those things; and continued with him three years [from A.D. 53 to A.D. 56]. (4) So when I had accomplished my desires, I returned back to the city: being now nineteen years old: and began to conduct my self according to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees: which is of kin to the sect of the Stoicks, as the Greeks call them.

3. [A.D. 63] But when I was in the twenty sixth year of my age, it happened that I took a voiage to Rome: and this on the occasion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was procurator of Judea, there were certain priests of my acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were; whom on a small and trifling occasion he had put into bonds, and sent to Rome, to plead their cause before Cæsar. These I was desirous to procure deliverance for: and that especially because I was informed that they were not unmindful of piety towards God, even under their afflictions: but supported themselves with figs and nuts. (5) Accordingly I came to Rome; though it were through a great number of hazzards by sea. For as our ship was drowned in the Adriatick sea, we that were in it being about six hundred in number, (6) swam for our lives all the night. When upon the first appearance of the day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cyrene, I and some others, eighty in all, by God’s providence prevented the rest, and were taken up into the other ship. And when I had thus escaped, and was come to Dicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, I became acquainted with Aliturius, an actor of plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a Jew by birth: and through his interest became known to Poppea, Cæsar’s wife; and took care, as soon as possible, to intreat her to procure that the priests might be set at liberty. And when, besides this favour, I had obtained many presents from Poppea, I returned home again.

4. [A.D. 63.] And now I perceived innovations were already begun; and that there were a great many very much elevated in hopes of a revolt from the Romans. I therefore endeavoured to put a stop to these tumultuous persons, and persuaded them to change their minds: and laid before their eyes against whom it was that they were going to fight; and told them that they were inferior to the Romans, not only in martial skill, but also in good fortune: and desired them not rashly, and after the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and upon themselves. And this I said with vehement exhortations: because I foresaw, that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not persuade them: for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard for me.

5. I was then afraid, lest by inculcating these things so often, I should incur their hatred, and their suspicions; as if I were of our enemies party; and should run into the danger of being seized by them, and slain. Since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel. So I retired into the inner court of the temple. Yet did I go out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of the band of robbers were put to death;2 when I abode among the High Priests, and the chief of the Pharisees. But no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms; while we our selves knew not what we should do; and were not able to restrain the seditious. However, as the danger was directly upon us, we pretended that we were of the same opinion with them; but only advised them to be quiet for the present; and to let the enemy go away; still hoping that Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he came; and that with great forces; and so put an end to these seditious proceedings.

6. But upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten;3 and a great many of those that were with him fell. And this disgrace which Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the calamity of our whole nation. For those that were fond of the war were so far elevated with this success, that they had hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which war another occasion was ministred: which was this. Those that dwelt in the neighbouring cities of Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives, and children, and slew them; when they had not the least occasion of complaint against them. For they did neither attempt any innovation, or revolt from the Romans; nor had they given any marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians. But what was done by the inhabitants of Scythopolis was the most impious and most highly criminal of all.4 For when the Jews their enemies came upon them from without, they forced the Jews that were among them to bear arms against their own countreymen: which it is unlawful for us to do. (7) And when, by their assistance, they had joined battel with those who attacked them, and had beaten them; after that victory they forgot the assurances they had given these their fellow citizens, and confederates, and slew them all: being in number many ten thousands.5 The like miseries were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants of Damascus. But we have given a more accurate account of these things in the Books of the Jewish war.6 I only mention them now, because I would demonstrate to my readers, that the Jews war with the Romans was not voluntary; but that, for the main, they were forced by necessity to enter into it.

7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said already; the principal men of Jerusalem; seeing that the robbers and innovators had arms in great plenty; and fearing lest they, while they were unprovided of arms, should be in subjection to their enemies; which also came to be the case afterward: and being informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans, but that some part of it was still quiet; they sent me, and two others of the Priests, who were men of excellent characters, Joazar, and Judas, in order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms; and to teach them this lesson, that it were better to have those arms reserved for the most couragious men that the nation had, [than to be kept there.] For that it had been resolved, that those our best men should always have their arms ready against futurity: but still so, that they should wait to see what the Romans would do.

8. When I had therefore received these instructions, I came into Galilee; and found the people of Sepphoris in no small agony about their countrey: by reason that the Galileans had resolved to plunder it; on account of the friendship they had with the Romans; and because they had given their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus, the President of Syria. But I delivered them all out of the fear they were in: and persuaded the multitude to deal kindly with them; and permitted them to send to those that were their own hostages with Gessius, to Dora, which is a city of Phenicia, as often as they pleased. Though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on the occasion following:

9. There were three factions in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity. Of these Julius Capellus was the head. Now he, as well as all his companions, Herod, the son of Miarus, and Herod, the son of Gamalus, and Compsus, the son of Compsus (for as to Compsus’s brother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city under the great King [Agrippa,] (8) he was beyond Jordan, in his own possessions.) All these persons, before named, gave their advice, that the city should then continue in their allegiance to the Romans, and to the King. But Pistus, who was guided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolution. Otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and virtuous character. But the second faction was composed of the most ignoble persons, and was determined for war. But as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head of the third faction; although he pretended to be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation; as supposing that he should gain power to himself by the change of affairs. He therefore came into the midst of them, and endeavoured to inform the multitude, that “The city Tiberias had ever been a city of Galilee; and that in the days of Herod, the tetrarch, who had built it,7 it had obtained the principal place; and that he had ordered that the city Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city Tiberias; that they had not lost this preeminence even under Agrippa the father; but had retained it until Felix was procurator of Judea. But he told them, that now they had been so unfortunate, as to be made a present by Nero to Agrippa junior. And that upon Sepphoris’s submission of it self to the Romans, that was become the capital city of Galilee; and that the royal treasury and the archives were now removed from them.” When he had spoken these things, and a great many more against King Agrippa, in order to provoke the people to a revolt, he added, that “This was the time for them to take arms, and join with the Galileans, as their confederatesL (whom they might command, and who would now willingly assist them, out of the hatred they bare to the people of Sepphoris, because they preserved their fidelity to the Romans:) and to gather a great number of forces, in order to punish them.” And as he said this, he exhorted the multitude [to go to war.] For his abilities lay in making harangues to the people, and in being too hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised what was more to their advantage: and this by his craftiness, and his fallacies. For he was not unskilful in the learning of the Greeks. And in dependence on that skill it was, that he undertook to write an history of these affairs: as aiming by this way of haranguing to disguise the truth. But as to this man, and how ill were his character and conduct of life; and how he and his brother were, in great measure, the authors of our destruction, I shall give the reader an account in the progress of my narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms; nay, and had forced a great many so to do against their wills; he went out, and set the villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos on fire: which villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Scythopolis.

10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus. When John, the son of Levi, saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the Romans, he laboured to restrain them; and intreated them that they would keep their allegiance to them. But he could not gain his purpose; although he did his endeavours to the utmost. For the neighbouring people of Gadara, and Gabara, and Sogana, wth the Tyrians, got together a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gischala by force, and set it on fire: and when they had intirely demolished it, they returned home. Upon which John was so enraged, that he armed all his men, and joined battel with the people forementioned, and rebuilt Gischala, after a manner better than before; and fortified it with walls, for its future security.

11. But Gamala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans, for the reason following. Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was their governor under King Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had been besieged:8 but as he fled away had fallen into another danger, and that was of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him. But certain Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindred the robbers from executing their design. So Philip staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth: having disguised himself with fictitious hair, that he might not be discovered. And when he was come to one of the villages to him belonging; but one that was situate at the borders of the citadel of Gamala; he sent to some of those that were under him, and commanded them to come to him. But God himself hindred that his intention; and this for his own advantage also. For had it not so happened, he had certainly perished. For a feaver having seized upon him immediately, he wrote to Agrippa and Berenice; and gave them to one of his freed men, to carry them to Varus; who at this time was Procurator of the Kingdom: which the King and his sister had intrusted him withal; while they were gone to Berytus, with an intention of meeting Gessius. When Varus had received these letters of Philip’s, and had learned that he was preserved, he was very uneasy at it: as supposing that he should appear useless to the King and his sister, now Philip was come. He therefore produced the carrier of the letters before the multitude; and accused him of forging the same: and said, that he spake falsely when he related that Philip was at Jerusalem, fighting among the Jews against the Romans. So he slew him. And when this freed man of Philip’s did not return again, Philip was doubtful what should be the occasion of his stay; and sent a second messenger, with letters, that he might, upon his return, inform him what had befallen the other that had been sent before; and why he tarryed so long. Varus accused this messenger also when he came, of telling a falsehood, and slew him. For he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Cesarea; and had great expectations. For they said, that Agrippa would be slain by the Romans, for the crimes which the Jews had committed; and that he should himself take the government, as derived from their Kings. For Varus was, by the confession of all, of the royal family; as being a descendent of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus. For which reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept the letters to himself. He contrived also, that the King should not meet with those writings, by guarding all the passes; lest any one should escape, and inform the King what had been done. He moreover slew many of the Jews; in order to gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. He had a mind also to join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to take arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ecbatana: for that was the name they went by. He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea, of the best character, and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and inform their countreymen who dwelt there, that Varus hath heard, “That you intend to march against the King; but not believing that report, he hath sent us to persuade you to lay down your arms; and that this complyance will be a sign that he did well not to give credit to those that raised the report concerning you.” He also injoined them to send seventy of their principal men, to make a defence for them, as to the accusation laid against them. So when the twelve messengers came to their countreymen at Ecbatana, and found that they had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded them to send the seventy men also. Who not at all suspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So these seventy went down to Cesarea, together with the twelve ambassadors.9 Where Varus met them, with the King’s forces, and slew them all, together with the [twelve] ambassadors; and made an expedition against the Jews of Ecbatana. But one there was of the seventy who escaped, and made haste to inform the Jews of their coming. Upon which they took their arms, with their wives and children, and retired to the citadel at Gamala: leaving their own villages full of all sorts of good things; and having many ten thousands of cattel therein. When Philip was informed of these things, he also came to the citadel of Gamala. And when he was come, the multitude cried aloud, and desired him to resume the government, and to make an expedition against Varus, and the Syrians of Cesarea. For it was reported that they had slain the King. But Philip restrained their zeal, and put them in mind of the benefits the King had bestowed upon them: and told them how powerful the Romans were; and said it was not for their advantage to make war with them. And at length he prevailed with them. But now, when the King was acquainted with Varus’s design, which was to cut off the Jews of Cesarea, being many ten thousands, with their wives and children, and all in one day, he called to him Equiculus Modius, and sent him to be Varus’s successor: as we have elsewhere related.10 But still Philip kept possession of the citadel of Gamala, and of the countrey adjoining to it: which thereby continued in their allegiance to the Romans.

12. Now as soon as I was come into Galilee, and had learned this state of things, by the information of such as told me of them, I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem about them; and required their direction what I should do. Their direction was, that I should continue there: and that, if my fellow legates were willing, I should join with them in the care of Galilee. But those my fellow legates having gotten great riches, from those tythes which, as priests, were their dues, and were given to them; determined to return to their own countrey. Yet when I desired them to stay so long that we might first settle the publick affairs, they complyed with me. So I removed, together with them, from the city of Sepphoris; and came to a certain village called Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Tiberias: and thence I sent messengers to the senate of Tiberias; and desired that the principal men of the city would come to me. And when they were come, Justus himself being also with them, I told them, that I was sent to them by the people of Jerusalem, as a legate, together with these other priests, in order to persuade them to demolish that house which Herod the tetrarch had built there; and which had the figures of living creatures in it: although our laws have forbidden us to make any such figures. And I desired, that they would give us leave so to do immediately. But for a good while Capellus, and the principal men belonging to the city would not give us leave; but were at length intirely overcome by us, and were induced to be of our opinion. So Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of those whom we have already mentioned as the leader of a seditious tumult of mariners and poor people,11 prevented us, and took with him certain Galileans, and set the entire palace on fire, and thought he should get a great deal of money thereby, because he saw some of the roofs gilt with gold. They also plundered a great deal of the furniture: which was done without our approbation. For after we had discoursed with Capellus, and the principal men of the city, we departed from Bethmaus, and went into the upper Galilee. But Jesus, and his party slew all the Greeks that were inhabitants of Tiberias: and as many others as were their enemies before the war began.

13. When I understood this state of things, I was greatly provoked; and went down to Tiberias, and took all the care I could of the royal furniture, to recover all that could be recovered from such as had plundered it. They consisted of candlesticks, made of Corinthian brass; and of royal tables; and of a great quantity of uncoined silver. And I resolved to preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the King. So I sent for ten of the principal men of the senate, and for Capellus, the son of Antyllus; and committed the furniture to them; with this charge, that they should part with it to no body else but to my self. From thence I and my fellow legates went to Gischala, to John: as desirous to know his intentions. And soon saw that he was for innovations, and had a mind to the principality. For he desired me to give him authority to carry off that corn which belonged to Cæsar, and lay in the villages of upper Galilee: and he pretended, that he would expend what it came to in building the walls of his own city. But when I perceived what he endeavoured at, and what he had in his mind, I said, I would not permit him so to do. For that I thought either to keep it for the Romans; or for my self, now I was intrusted with the publick affairs there by the people of Jerusalem. But when he was not able to prevail with me, he betook himself to my fellow legates. For they had no sagacity in providing for futurity; and were very ready to take bribes. So he corrupted them with money to decree that all that corn which was within his province should be delivered to him. While I, who was but one, was out-voted by two, and held my tongue. Then did John introduce another cunning contrivance of his. For he said, that those Jews who inhabited Cesarea Philippi, and were shut up by the order of the King’s deputy there, had sent to him to desire him, that, since they had no oil that was pure for their use,12 he would provide a sufficient quantity of such oil for them: lest they should be forced to make use of oil that came from the Greeks, and thereby transgress their own laws. Now this was said by John, not out of his regard to religion; but out of his most flagrant desire of gain. For he knew that two sextaries were sold with them of Cesarea for one drachma: but that at Gischala fourscore sextaxies were sold for four drachmæ. So he gave order, that all the oil which was there should be carried away: as having my permission for so doing. Which yet I did not grant him voluntarily; but only out of fear of the multitude; since if I had forbidden him I should have been stoned by them. When I had therefore permitted this to be done by John, he gained vast sums of money by this his knavery.

14. But when I had dismissed my fellow legates, and sent them back to Jerusalem, I took care to have arms provided, and the cities fortified. And when I had sent for the most hardy among the robbers, I saw that it was not in my power to take their arms from them: but I persuaded the multitude to allow them money, as pay: and told them, it was better for them to give them a little willingly, rather than to [be forced to] overlook them when they plundered their goods from them. And when I had obliged them to take an oath not to come into that countrey, unless they were invited to come; or else when they had not their pay given them; I dismissed them: and charged them neither to make an expedition against the Romans, nor against those their neighbours that lay round about them. For my first care was to keep Galilee in peace. So I was willing to have the principal of the Galileans, in all seventy,13 as hostages, for their fidelity, but still under the notion of friendship. Accordingly I made them my friends and companions as I journeyed; and set them to judge causes: and with their approbation it was that I gave my sentences. While I endeavoured not to mistake what justice required; and to keep my hands clear of all bribery in these determinations.

15. [A.D. 66.] I was now about the thirtieth year of my age: in which time of life it is a hard thing for any one to escape the calumnies of the envious; although he restrain himself from fulfilling any unlawful desires: especially where a person is in great authority. Yet did I preserve every woman free from injuries: and as to what presents were offered me, I despised them, as not standing in need of them. Nor indeed would I take those tythes, which were due to me as a priest, from those that brought them. Yet do I confess that I took part of the spoils of those Syrians which inhabited the cities that adjoined to us, when I had conquered them: and that I sent them to my kindred at Jerusalem. Although when I twice took Sepphoris by force, and Tiberias four times, and Gadara once: and when I had subdued and taken John, who often laid treacherous snares for me; I did not punish [with death] either him or any of the people forenamed: as the progress of this discourse will shew. And on this account I suppose it was that God, (10) who is never unacquainted with those that do as they ought to do, delivered me still out of the hands of these my enemies; and afterward preserved me when I fell into those many dangers which I shall relate hereafter.

16. Now the multitude of the Galileans had that great kindness for me, and fidelity to me; that when their cities were taken by force, and their wives and children carryed into slavery, they did not so deeply lament for their own calamities, as they were sollicitous for my preservation. But when John saw this, he envied me; and wrote to me, desiring that I would give him leave to come down, and make use of the hot baths of Tiberias,14 for the recovery of the health of his body. Accordingly I did not hinder him; as having no suspicion of any wicked designs of his. And I wrote to those, to whom I had committed the administration of the affairs of Tiberias, by name, that they should provide a lodging for John, and for such as should come with him; and should procure him what necessaries soever he should stand in need of. Now at this time my abode was in a village of Galilee, which is named Cana.

17. But when John was come to the city of Tiberias, he persuaded the men to revolt from their fidelity to me, and to adhere to him. And many of them gladly received that invitation of his; as ever fond of innovations, and by nature disposed to changes, and delighting in seditions. But they were chiefly Justus, and his father Pistus that were earnest for their revolt from me, and their adherence to John. But I came upon them, and prevented them. For a messenger had come to me from Silas, whom I had made governor of Tiberias, as I have said already,15 and had told me of the inclinations of the people of Tiberias; and advised me to make haste thither: for that, if I made any delay, the city would come under another’s jurisdiction. Upon the receipt of this letter of Silas’s, I took two hundred men along with me, and travelled all night: having sent before a messenger to let the people of Tiberias know, that I was coming to them. When I came near to the city, which was early in the morning, the multitude came out to meet me: and John came with them, and saluted me;16 but in a most disturbed manner: as being afraid that my coming was to call him to an account for what I was now sensible he was doing. So he, in great haste, went to his lodging. But when I was in the open place of the city, having dismissed the guards I had about me, excepting one, and ten armed men that were with him, I attempted to make a speech to the multitude of the people of Tiberias: and standing on a certain elevated place, I intreated them not to be so hasty in their revolt: for that such a change in their behaviour would be to their reproach; and that they would then justly be suspected by those that should be their governors hereafter, as if they were not likely to be faithful to them neither.

18. But, before I had spoken all I designed, I heard one of my own domesticks bidding me come down: for that it was not a proper time to take care of retaining the good will of the people of Tiberias, but to provide for my own safety, and escape my enemies there. For John had chosen the most trusty of those armed men that were about him, out of those thousand that he had with him, and had given them orders, when he sent them, to kill me. Having learned that I was alone, excepting some of my domesticks. So those that were sent came as they were ordered; and they had executed what they came about, had I not leaped down from the elevation I stood on, and, with one of my guards, whose name was James, been carried [out of the croud] upon the back of one Herod of Tiberias, and guided by him down to the lake. Where I seized a ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies unexpectedly; and came to Taricheæ.

19. Now as soon as the inhabitants of that city understood the perfidiousness of the people of Tiberias, they were greatly provoked at them. So they snatched up their arms, and desired me to be their leader against them. For they said, they would avenge their commanders cause upon them. They also carried the report of what had been done to me to all the Galileans; and eagerly endeavoured to irritate them against the people of Tiberias; and desired that vast numbers of them would get together, and come to them; that they might act in concert with their commander, what should be determined as fit to be done. Accordingly the Galileans came to me in great numbers from all parts, with their weapons; and besought me to assault Tiberias, to take it by force, and to demolish it, till it lay even with the ground; and then to make slaves of its inhabitants, with their wives and children. Those that were Josephus’s friends also, and had escaped out of Tiberias, gave him the same advice. But I did not comply with them: thinking it a terrible thing to begin a civil war among them. For I thought that this contention ought not to proceed farther than words. Nay I told them, that it was not for their own advantage to do what they would have me to do: while the Romans expected no other than that we should destroy one another by our mutual seditions. And by saying this I put a stop to the anger of the Galileans.

20. But now John was afraid for himself, since his treachery had proved unsuccessful. So he took the armed men that were about him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala; and wrote to me to apologize for himself concerning what had been done; as if it had been done without his approbation: and desired me to have no suspicion of him to his disadvantage. He also added oaths, and certain horrible curses upon himself: and supposed he should be thereby believed in the points he wrote about to me.

21. But now another great number of the Galileans came together again with their weapons; as knowing the man, how wicked, and how sadly perjured he was: and desired me to lead them against him: and promised me that they would utterly destroy both him, and Gischala. Hereupon I professed that I was obliged to them for their readiness to serve me: and that I would more than requite their good will to me. However I intreated them to restrain themselves; and begged of them to give me leave to do what I intended: which was to put an end to these troubles without bloodshed. And when I had prevailed with the multitude of the Galileans to let me do so, I came to Sepphoris.

22. But the inhabitants of this city, having determined to continue in their allegiance to the Romans, were afraid of my coming to them; and tried, by putting me upon another action, to divert me; that they might be freed from the terror they were in. Accordingly they sent to Jesus, the captain of those robbers, who were in the confines of Ptolemais; and promised to give him a great deal of money if he would come with those forces he had with him; which were in number eight hundred; and fight with us. Accordingly he complyed with what they desired; upon the promises they had made him; and was desirous to fall upon us when we were unprepared for him, and knew nothing of his coming beforehand. So he sent to me, and desired that I would give him leave to come and salute me. When I had given him that leave: which I did without the least knowledge of his treacherous intentions beforehand: he took his band of robbers, and made haste to come to me. Yet did not this his knavery succeed well at last. For as he was already nearly approaching, one of those with him deserted him, and came to me, and told me what he had undertaken to do. When I was informed of this, I went into the market place; and pretended to know nothing of his treacherous purpose. I took with me many Galileans, that were armed; as also some of those of Tiberias. And when I had given orders that all the roads should be carefully guarded, I charged the keepers of the gates to give admittance to none but Jesus, when he came; with the principal of his men: and to exclude the rest. And in case they aimed to force themselves in, to use stripes [in order to repel them.] Accordingly those that had received such a charge did as they were bidden: and Jesus came in, with a few others. And when I had ordered him to throw down his arms immediately: and told him that if he refused so to do, he was a dead man; he seeing armed men standing all round about him, was terryfied, and complyed. And as for those of his followers that were excluded, when they were informed that he was seized, they ran away. I then called Jesus to me by himself; and told him, that “I was not a stranger to that treacherous design he had against me; nor was I ignorant by whom he was sent for. That, however, I would forgive him what he had done already, if he would repent of it, and be faithful to me hereafter.” And thus, upon his promise to do all that I desired, I let him go, and gave him leave to get those whom he had formerly had with him together again. But I threatened the inhabitants of Sepphoris, that if they would not leave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I would punish them sufficiently.

23. At this time it was that two great men, who were under the jurisdiction of the King [Agrippa,] came to me, out of the region of Trachonitis, bringing their horses, and their arms; and carrying with them their money also. And when the Jews would force them to be circumcised, if they would stay among them, I would not permit them to have any force put upon them, but said to them, “Every one ought to worship God according to his own inclinations, and not to be constrained by force: and that these men, who had fled to us for protection, ought not to be so treated as to repent of their coming hither.” (11) And when I had pacified the multitude, I provided for the men that were come to us whatsoever it was they wanted, according to their usual way of living, and that in great plenty also.

24. Now King Agrippa sent an army to make themselves masters of the citadel of Gamala, and over it Equicolus Modius. But the forces that were sent were not enow to encompass the citadel quite round: but lay before it in the open places; and besieged it. But when Ebutius, the decurion, who was intrusted with the government of the great plain, heard that I was at Simonias, a village situate in the confines of Galilee, and was distant from him sixty furlongs, he took an hundred horsemen that were with him by night, and a certain number of footmen, about two hundred; and brought the inhabitants of the city Gibea along with him, as auxiliaries, and marched in the night, and came to the village where I abode. Upon this I pitched my camp over against him; which had a great number of forces in it. But Ebutius tried to draw us down into the plain; as greatly depending upon his horsemen. But we would not come down. For when I was satisfied of the advantage that his horse would have if we came down into the plain, while we were all footmen, I resolved to join battel with the enemy where I was. Now Ebutius and his party made a couragious opposition for some time. But when he saw that his horse were useless to him in that place, he retired back to the city Gibea having lost three of his men in the fight. So I followed him directly, with two thousand armed men. And when I was at the city Besara, that lay in the confines of Ptolemais, but twenty furlongs from Gibea, where Ebutius abode, I placed my armed men on the outside of the village, and gave orders that they should guard the passes with great care, that the enemy might not disturb us, until we should have carried off the corn: a great quantity of which lay there. It belonged to Bernice, the Queen; and had been gathered together out of the neighbouring villages into Besara. So I loaded my camels and asses; a great number of which I had brought along with me; and sent the corn into Galilee. When I had done this, I offered Ebutius battel. But when he would not accept of the offer, for he was terrified at our readiness, and courage, I altered my route, and marched towards Neopolitanus: because I had heard that the countrey about Tiberias was laid waste by him. This Neopolitanus was captain of a troop of horse; and had the custody of Scythopolis intrusted to his care by the enemy. And when I had hindred him from doing any farther mischief to Tiberias, I set my self to make provision for the affairs of Galilee.

25. But when John, the son of Levi, who, as we before told you, abode at Gischala, was informed how all things had succeeded to my mind; and that I was much in favour with those that were under me; as also that the enemy were greatly afraid of me; he was not pleased with it, as thinking my prosperity tended to his ruin. So he took up a bitter envy and enmity against me. And hoping that, if he could inflame those that were under me to hate me, he should put an end to the prosperity I was in, he tried to persuade the inhabitants of Tiberias, and of Sepphoris (and for those of Gabara he supposed they would be also of the same mind with the others,) which were the greatest cities of Galilee, to revolt from their subjection to me, and to be of his party: and told them, that he would command them better than I did. As for the people of Sepphoris, who belonged to neither of us, because they had chosen to be in subjection to the Romans, they did not comply with his proposal. And for those of Tiberias, they did not indeed so far comply, as to make a revolt from under me, but they agreed to be his friends. While the inhabitants of Gabara did go over to John. And it was Simon that persuaded them so to do: one who was both the principal man in the city, and a particular friend and companion of John’s. ’Tis true these did not openly own the making a revolt; because they were in great fear of the Galileans; and had frequent experience of the good will they bore to me. Yet did they privately watch for a proper opportunity to lay snares for me. And indeed I thereby came into the greatest danger, on the occasion following.

26. There were some bold young men of the village of Dabaritta, who observed that the wife of Ptolemy, the King’s Procurator, was to make a progress over the great plain, with a mighty attendance; and with some horsemen that followed, as a guard to them; and this out of a countrey that was subject to the King and Queen, into the jurisdiction of the Romans: and fell upon them on the sudden; and obliged the wife of Ptolemy to fly away, and plundered all the carriages. They also came to me to Taricheæ, with four mules loading of garments, and other furniture: and the weight of the silver they brought was not small: and there were five hundred pieces of gold also. Now I had a mind to preserve these spoils for Ptolemy, who was my countreyman: and it is prohibited us by our laws even to spoil our enemies. (12) So I said to those that brought these spoils, that they ought to be kept, in order to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem with them, when they came to be sold. But the young men took it very ill that they did not receive a part of those spoils for themselves; as they expected to have done. So they went among the villages, in the neighbourhood of Tiberias, and told the people, that I was going to betray their countrey to the Romans; and that I used deceitful language to them, when I said, that what had been thus gotten by rapine should be kept for the rebuilding of the walls of the city of Jerusalem: although I had resolved to restore these spoils again to their former owner. And indeed they were herein not mistaken, as to my intentions. For when I had gotten clear of them, I sent for two of the principal men, Dassion, and Janneus, the son of Levi; persons that were among the chief friends of the King; and commanded them to take the furniture that had been plundered, and to send it to him. And I threatened that I would order them to be put to death by way of punishment, if they discovered this my command to any other person.

27. Now when all Galilee was filled with this rumour, that their countrey was about to be betrayed by me to the Romans: and when all men were exasperated against me, and ready to bring me to punishment: the inhabitants of Taricheæ did also themselves suppose that what the young men said was true; and persuaded my guards and armed men to leave me, when I was asleep; and to come presently to the hippodrome, in order there to take counsel against me their commander. And when they had prevailed with them, and they were gotten together, they found there a great company assembled already: who all joined in one clamour, to bring the man who was so wicked to them, as to betray them, to his due punishment. And it was Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who principally set them on. He was ruler in Tiberias: a wicked man; and naturally disposed to make disturbances in matters of consequence. A seditious person he was indeed, and an innovator beyond every body else. He then took the laws of Moses into his hands, and came into the midst of the people, and said, “O my fellow citizens, if you are not disposed to hate Josephus on your own account, have regard however to these laws of your countrey; which your commander in chief is going to betray. Hate him therefore on both these accounts; and bring the man who hath acted thus insolently to his deserved punishment.”

28. When he had said this, and the multitude had openly applauded him for what he had said, he took some of the armed men, and made haste away to the house in which I lodged; as if he would kill me immediately: while I was wholly insensible of all till this disturbance happened; and by reason of the pains I had been taking was fallen fast asleep. But Simon, who was intrusted with the care of my body, and was the only person that stayed with me,17 and saw the violent incursion the citizens made upon me, he awaked me, and told me of the danger I was in; and desired me to let him kill me; that I might die bravely and like a general, before my enemies came in, and forced me [to kill myself,] or killed me themselves. Thus did he discourse to me. But I committed the care of my life to God, and made haste to go out to the multitude. Accordingly I put on a black garment, and hung my sword at my neck, and went by such a different way to the hippodrome, wherein I thought none of my adversaries would meet me. So I appeared among them on the sudden; and fell down flat to the earth; and bedewed the ground with my tears. Then I seemed to them all an object of compassion. And when I perceived the change that was made in the multitude, I tried to divide their opinions, before the armed men should return from my house. So I granted them, that I had been as wicked as they supposed me to be. But still I intreated them, to let me first inform them for what use I had kept that money which arose from the plunder; and that they might then kill me if they pleased. And upon the multitude’s ordering me to speak, the armed men came upon me: and when they saw me they ran to kill me. But when the multitude bid them hold their hands, they complyed; and expected that as soon as I should own to them that I kept the money for the King, it would be looked on as a confession of my treason, and they should then be allowed to kill me.

29. When therefore silence was made by the whole multitude, I spake thus to them: “O my countreymen; I refuse not to die, if justice so require. However, I am desirous to tell you the truth of this matter before I die. For as I know that this city of yours [Taricheæ] was a city of great hospitality, and filled with abundance of such men as have left their own countries, and are come hither to be partakers of your fortune, whatever it be; I had a mind to build walls about it, out of this money, for which you are so angry with me: while yet it was to be expended in building your own walls.” Upon my saying this, the people of Taricheæ, and the strangers cryed out, that “They gave me thanks, and desired me to be of good courage.” Although the Galileans, and the people of Tiberias continued in their wrath against me. Insomuch that there arose a tumult among them: while some threatened to kill me, and some bid me not to regard them. But when I promised them that I would build them walls at Tiberias, and at other cities that wanted them, they gave credit to what I promised, and returned every one to his own home. So I escaped the forementioned danger, beyond all my hopes; and returned to my own house, accompanied with my friends, and twenty armed men also.

30. However, those robbers, and other authors of this tumult, who were afraid on their own account, lest I should punish them for what they had done, took six hundred armed men, and came to the house where I abode, in order to set it on fire. When this their insult was told me, I thought it indecent for me to run away, and I resolved to expose my self to danger, and to act with some boldness. So I gave order to shut the doors, and went up into an upper room, and desired that they would send in some of their men to receive the money [from the spoils:] for I told them they would then have no occasion to be angry with me. And when they had sent in one of the boldest of them all,18 I had him whipped severely; and I commanded that one of his hands should be cut off and hung about his neck. And in this case was he put out to those that sent him. At which procedure of mine they were greatly affrighted, and in no small consternation; and were afraid that they should themselves be served in like manner, if they stayed there. For they supposed that I had in the house more armed men than they had themselves, so they ran away immediately; while I, by the use of this stratagem, escaped this their second treacherous design against me.

31. But there were still some that irritated the multitude against me; and said, that those great men that belonged to the King ought not to be suffered to live, if they would not change their religion to the religion of those to whom they fled for safety. They spake reproachfully of them also, and said, that they were wizards, and such as called in the Romans upon them. So the multitude was soon deluded by such plausible pretences as were agreeable to their own inclinations; and were prevailed on by them. But when I was informed of this, I instructed the multitude again, that those who fled to them for refuge ought not to be persecuted. I also laughed at the allegation about witchcraft, (13) and told them that the Romans would not maintain so many ten thousand soldiers if they could overcome their enemies by wizards. Upon my saying this, the people assented for a while. But they returned again afterwards, as irritated by some ill people against the great men. Nay they once made an assault upon the house in which they dwelt at Taricheæ, in order to kill them. Which when I was informed of, I was afraid lest so horrid a crime should take effect, and no body else would make that city their refuge any more. I therefore came my self and some others with me to the house where these great men lived, and locked the doors; and had a trench drawn from their house leading to the lake; and sent for a ship, and embarked therein with them, and sailed to the confines of Hippos. I also paid them the value of their horses; nor in such a flight could I have their horses brought to them. I then dismissed them, and begged of them earnestly that they would couragiously bear I this distress which befel them. I was also my self I greatly displeased that I was compelled to expose those that had fled to me to go again into an enemies countrey. Yet did I think it more eligible that they should perish among the Romans, if it should so happen, than in the countrey that was under my jurisdiction. However, they escaped at length: and King Agrippa forgave them their offences. And this was the conclusion of what concerned these men.

32. But as for the inhabitants of the city of Tiberias, they wrote to the King, and desired him to send them forces sufficient to be a guard to their countrey: for that they were desirous to come over to him. This was what they wrote to him. But when I came to them, they desired me to build their walls; as I had promised them to do. For they had heard that the walls of Taricheæ were already built. I agreed to their proposal accordingly. And when I had made preparation for the intire building, I gave order to the architects to go to work. But on the third day, when I was gone to Taricheæ, which was thirty furlongs distant from Tiberias, it so fell out, that some Roman horsemen were discovered on their march, not far from the city. Which made it to be supposed, that the forces were come from the King. Upon which they shouted, and lift up their voices in commendations of the King, and in reproaches against me. Hereupon one came running to me, and told me, what their dispositions were: and that they had resolved to revolt from me. Upon hearing which news, I was very much alarmed. For I had already sent away my armed men from Taricheæ to their own homes: because the next day was our sabbath. For I would not have the people of Taricheæ disturbed [on that day] by a multitude of soldiers. And indeed, whenever I sojourned at that city, I never took any particular care for a guard about my own body: because I had had frequent instances of the fidelity its inhabitants bore to me. I had now about me no more than seven armed men, besides some friends: and was doubtful what to do. For to send to recal my own forces, I did not think proper; because the present day was almost over. And had those forces been with me I could not take up arms on the next day; because our laws forbid us so to do: even though our necessity should be very great.19 And if I should permit the people of Taricheæ, and the strangers with them, to guard20 the city, I saw that they would not be sufficient for that purpose: and I perceived that I should be obliged to delay my assistance a great while. For I thought with my self that the forces that came from the King would prevent me; and that I should be driven out of the city. I considered therefore how to get clear of these forces by a stratagem. So I immediately placed those my friends of Taricheæ, on whom I could best confide, at the gates; to watch those very carefully who went out at those gates. I also called to me the heads of families; and bid every one of them to seize upon a ship, (14) to go on board it, and to take a master with them, and follow him to the city of Tiberias. I also my self went on board one of those ships, with my friends, and the seven armed men already mentioned, and sailed for Tiberias.

33. But now, when the people of Tiberias perceived that there were no forces come from the King, and yet saw the whole lake full of ships; they were in fear what would become of their city; and were greatly terrified; as supposing that the ships were full of men on board. So they then changed their minds, and threw down their weapons, and met me with their wives and children, and made acclamations to me, with great commendations. For they imagined that I did not know their former inclinations [to have been against me.]. So they persuaded me to spare the city. But when I was come near enough, I gave order to the masters of the ships to cast anchor, a good way off the land: that the people of Tiberias might not perceive that the ships had no men on board. But I went nearer to the people in one of the ships, and rebuked them for their folly, and that they were so fickle as, without any just occasion in the world, to revolt from their fidelity to me. However I assured them, that I would intirely forgive them for the time to come, if they would send ten of the ringleaders of the multitude to me. And when they complyed readily with this proposal, and sent me the men forementioned, I put them on board a ship, and sent them away to Taricheæ; and ordered them to be kept in prison.

34. And by this stratagem it was, that I gradually got all the senate of Tiberias into my power, and sent them to the city forementioned, with many of the principal men among the populace; and those not fewer in number than the other. But when the multitude saw into what great miseries they had brought themselves, they desired me to punish the author of this sedition. His name was Clitus: a young man, bold and rash in his undertakings. Now since I thought it not agreeable to piety to put one of my own people to death, and yet found it necessary to punish him, I ordered Levi, one of my own guards, to go to him, and cut off one of Clitus’s hands. But as he that was ordered to do this was afraid to go out of the ship alone, among so great a multitude, I was not willing that the timorousness of the soldier should appear to the people of Tiberias. So I called to Clitus himself, and said to him, “Since thou deservest to lose both thine hands, for thy ingratitude to me; be thou thine own executioner: lest if thou refusest so to be, thou undergo a worse punishment.” And when he earnestly begged of me to spare him one of his hands, it was with difficulty that I granted it. So, in order to prevent the loss of both his hands, he willingly took his sword, and cut off his own left hand. And this put an end to the sedition.

35. Now the men of Tiberias, after I was gone to Taricheæ, perceived what stratagem I had used against them; and they admired how I had put an end to their foolish sedition without shedding of blood. But now, when I had sent for some of those multitudes of the people of Tiberias out of prison, among whom were Justus, and his father Pistus, I made them to sup with me. And during our supper time I said to them, that I knew the power of the Romans was superior to all others; but did not say so [publickly] because of the robbers. So I advised them to do as I did, and to wait for a proper opportunity, and not to be uneasy at my being their commander: for that they could not expect to have another who would use the like moderation that I had done. I also put Justus in mind how the Galileans had cut off his brother’s hands, before ever I came to Jerusalem, upon an accusation laid against him, as if he had been a rogue, and had forged some letters: as also how the people of Gamala, in a sedition they raised against the Babylonians, after the departure of Philip, slew Chares; who was a kinsman of Philip, and withal how they had wisely punished Jesus, his brother Justus’s sister’s husband [with death.] When I had said this to them during supper time, I in the morning ordered Justus, and all the rest that were in prison, to be loosed out of it, and sent away.

36. But before this, it happened, that Philip, the son of Jacimus, went out of the citadel of Gamala, upon the following occasion. When Philip had been informed that Varus was put out of his government by King Agrippa; and that Modius Equicolus, a man that was of old his friend and companion, was come to succeed him; he wrote to him, and related what turns of fortune he had had; and desired him to forward the letters he sent to the King and Queen. Now when Modius had received these letters, he was exceeding glad; and sent the letters to the King and Queen; who were then about Berytus. But when King Agrippa knew that the story about Philip was false: (for it had been given out that the Jews had begun a war with the Romans; and that this Philip had been their commander in that war:) he sent some horsemen to conduct Philip to him, and, when he was come, he saluted him very obligingly; and shewed him to the Roman commanders, and told them, that this was the man of whom the report had gone about as if he had revolted from the Romans. He also bid him to take some horsemen with him, and to go quickly to the citadel of Gamala, and to bring out thence all his domesticks, and to restore the Babylonians to Batanea again. He also gave it him in charge, to take all possible care that none of his subjects should be guilty of making any innovation. Accordingly, upon these directions from the King, he made haste to do what he was commanded.

37. Now there was one Joseph, the son of a she physician, who excited a great many young men to join with him. He also insolently addressed himself to the principal persons at Gamala, and persuaded them to revolt from the King, and take up arms; and gave them hopes that they should, by his means, recover their liberty. And some they forced into the service; and those that would not acquiesce in what they had resolved on, they slew. They also slew Chares; and with him Jesus, one of his kinsmen, and a brother of Justus of Tiberias, as we have already said.21 Those of Gamala also wrote to me, desiring me to send them an armed force, and workmen to raise up the walls of their city. Nor did I reject either of their requests. The region of Gaulanitis did also revolt from the King, as far as the village Solyma. I also built a wall about Seleucia, and Soganni: which are villages naturally of very great strength. Moreover I, in like manner walled several villages of upper Galilee; though they were very rocky of themselves. Their names are Jamnia, and Meroth, and Achabare. I also fortified, in the lower Galilee, the cities Taricheæ, Tiberias, Sepphoris: and the villages, the cave of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin, Jotapata, Caphareccho, and Sigo, and Japha, and Mount Tabor. (15) I also laid up a great quantity of corn in these places, and arms withal; that might be for their security afterward.

38. But the hatred that John the son of Levi bore to me, grew now more violent, while he could not bear my prosperity with patience. So he proposed to himself by all means possible to make away with me. And built the walls of Gischala, which was the place of his nativity. He then sent his brother Simon, and Jonathan, the son of Sisenna, and about an hundred armed men to Jerusalem; to Simon, the son of Gamaliel; (16) in order to persuade him to induce the commonalty of Jerusalem to take from me the government over the Galileans; and to give their suffrages for conferring that authority upon him. This Simon was of the city of Jerusalem, and of a very noble family; of the sect of the Pharisees; which are supposed to excel others in the accurate knowledge of the laws of their countrey. He was a man of great wisdom, and reason; and capable of restoring publick affairs by his prudence, when they were in an ill posture. He was also an old friend and companion of John’s: but at that time he had a difference with me. When therefore he had received such an exhortation, he persuaded the High Priests, Ananus, and Jesus, the son of Gamala, and some others of the same seditious faction, to cut me down, now I was growing so great; and not to overlook me while I was aggrandizing my self to the height of glory. And he said, that it would be for the advantage of the Galileans, if I were deprived of my government there. Ananus also and his friends desired them to make no delay about the matter; lest I should get the knowledge of what was doing too soon, and should come and make an assault upon the city with a great army. This was the counsel of Simon. But Ananus, the High Priest, demonstrated to them, that this was not an easy thing to be done: because many of the High Priests, and of the rulers of the people bore witness, that I had acted like an excellent general. And that it was the work of ill men, to accuse one against whom they have nothing to say.

39. When Simon heard Ananus say this, he desired that the messengers would conceal the thing, and not let it come among many. For that he would take care to have Josephus removed out of Galilee very quickly. So he called for John’s brother, [Simon,] and charged him, that they should send presents to Ananus, and his friends: for, as he said, they might probably by that means persuade them to change their minds. And indeed Simon did at length thus compass what he aimed at. For Ananus, and those with him, being corrupted by bribes, agreed to expel me out of Galilee; without making the rest of the citizens acquainted with what they were doing. Accordingly they resolved to send men of distinction as to their families, and of distinction as to their learning also. Two of these were of the populace, Jonathan, (17) and Ananias; by sect of Pharisees; while the third, Jozar, was of the stock of the priests, and a Pharisee also: and Simon, the last of them, was of the youngest of the High Priests. These had it given them in charge, that when they were come to the multitude of the Galileans, they should ask them what was the reason of their love to me? And if they said, that it was because I was born at Jerusalem; that they should reply, that they four were all born at the same place. And if they should say, it was because I was well versed in their law; they should reply, that neither were they unacquainted with the practices of their countrey. But if, besides these, they should say, they loved me because I was a priest; they should reply, that two of these were priests also.

40. Now when they had given Jonathan and his companions these instructions, they gave them forty thousand [drachmæ] out of the publick money. But when they heard that there was a certain Galilean, that then sojourned at Jerusalem, whose name was Jesus; who had about him a band of six hundred armed men; they sent for him, and gave him three months pay; and gave him orders to follow Jonathan, and his companions, and be obedient to them. They also gave money to three hundred men that were citizens of Jerusalem, to maintain them all; and ordered them also to follow the ambassadors. And when they had complyed, and were gotten ready for the march, Jonathan, and his companions went out with them: having along with them John’s brother, and an hundred armed men. The charge that was given them, by those that sent them, was this; that if I would voluntarily lay down my arms, they should send me alive to the city of Jerusalem. But that in case I opposed them, they should kill me, and fear nothing: for that it was their command for them so to do. They also wrote to John to make all ready for fighting me; and gave orders to the inhabitants of Sepphoris, and Gabara, and Tiberias to send auxiliaries to John.

41. Now as my father wrote me an account of this, (for Jesus, the son of Gamala, who was present in that council, a friend and companion of mine, told him of it:) I was very much troubled: as discovering thereby that my fellow citizens proved so ungrateful to me, as out of envy to give order that I should be slain: my father earnestly pressed me also in his letter to come to him, for that he longed to see his son before he died. I informed my friends of these things; and that in three days time I should leave the countrey, and go home. Upon hearing this, they were all very sorry; and desired me, with tears in their eyes, not to leave them to be destroyed: for so they thought they should be, if I were deprived of the command over them. But as I did not grant their request, but was taking care of my own safety, the Galileans, out of their dread of the consequence of my departure, that they should then be at the mercy of the robbers, sent messengers over all Galilee to inform them of my resolution to leave them. Whereupon, as soon as they heard it, they got together in great numbers, from all parts, with their wives and children: and this they did, as it appeared to me, not more out of their affection to me, than out of their fear on their own account. For while I stayed with them they supposed that they should suffer no harm. So they all came into the great plain, wherein I lived, the name of which was Asochis.

42. But wonderful it was what a dream I saw that very night: for when I had betaken my self to my bed, as grieved and disturbed at the news that had been written to me, it seemed to me, that a certain person stood by me, (18) and said, “O Josephus! leave off to afflict thy soul; and put away all fear. For what now grieves thee, will render thee very considerable; and in all respects most happy. For thou shalt get over not only these difficulties, but many others, with great success. However, be not cast down; but remember that thou art to fight with the Romans.” When I had seen this dream, I got up with an intention of going down to the plain. Now when the whole multitude of the Galileans, among whom were the women and children, saw me, they threw themselves down upon their faces; and, with tears in their eyes, besought me, not to leave them exposed to their enemies; nor to go away and permit their countrey to be injured by them. But, when I did not comply with their intreaties, they compelled me to take an oath, that I would stay with them. They also cast abundance of reproaches upon the people of Jerusalem, that they would not let their countrey enjoy peace.

43. When I heard this, and saw what sorrow the people were in, I was moved with compassion to them, and thought it became me to undergo the most manifest hazzards for the sake of so great a multitude. So I let them know I would stay with them. And when I had given order that five thousand of them should come to me armed, and with provisions for their maintenance; I sent the rest away to their own homes. And when those five thousand were come, I took them, together with three thousand of the soldiers that were with me before, and eighty horsemen, and marched to the village of Chabolo; (19) situate in the confines of Ptolemias; and there kept my forces together: pretending to get ready to fight with Placidus, who was come with two cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, and was sent thither by Cestius Gallus, to burn those villages of Galilee that were near Ptolemais. Upon whose casting up a bank before the city Ptolemais, I also pitched my camp, at about the distance of sixty furlongs from that village. And now we frequently brought out our forces, as if we would fight; but proceeded no farther than skirmishes at a distance. For when Placidus perceived that I was earnest to come to a battel, he was afraid, and avoided it. Yet did he not remove from the neighbourhood of Ptolemais.

44. About this time it was that Jonathan, and his fellow legates came. They were sent, as we have said already, by Simon, and Ananus the High Priest. And Jonathan contrived how he might catch me by treachery. For he durst not make any attempt upon me openly. So he wrote me the following epistle, “Jonathan, and those that are with him, and are sent by the people of Jerusalem, to Josephus, send greeting. We are sent by the principal men of Jerusalem; who have heard that John of Gischala hath laid many snares for thee; to rebuke him, and to exhort him to be subject to thee hereafter. We are also desirous to consult with thee about our common concerns; and what is fit to be done. We therefore desire thee to come to us quickly; and to bring only a few men with thee: for this village will not contain a great number of soldiers.” Thus it was that they wrote: as expecting one of these two things; either that I should come without armed men; and then they should have me under their power: or if I came with a great number they should judge me to be a publick enemy. Now it was an horseman who brought the letter; a man at other times bold, and one that had served in the army under the King. It was the second hour of the night that he came: when I was feasting with my friends, and the principal of the Galileans. This man, upon my servant’s telling me that a certain horseman of the Jewish nation was come, he was called in at my command, but did not so much as salute me at all; but held out a letter, and said, “This letter is sent thee by those that are come from Jerusalem. Do thou write an answer to it quickly: for I am obliged to return to them very soon.” Now my guests could not but wonder at the boldness of the soldier. But I desired him to sit down, and sup with us. But when he refused so to do, I held the letter in my hands, as I received it, and fell a talking with my guests about other matters. But a few hours afterwards I got up; and when I had dismissed the rest to go to their beds, I bid only four of my intimate friends to stay; and ordered my servant to get some wine ready. I also opened the letter so, that no body could perceive it. And understanding thereby presently the purport of the writing, I sealed it up again. And appeared as if I had not yet read it; but only held it in my hands. I ordered twenty drachmæ should be given the soldier for the charges of his journey. And when he took the money, and said that he thanked me for it, I perceived that he loved money; and that he was to be caught chiefly by that means, and I said to him, “If thou wilt but drink with us, thou shalt have a drachma for every glass thou drinkest.” So he gladly embraced this proposal, and drank a great deal of wine, in order to get the more money; and was so drunk, that at last he could not keep the secrets he was intrusted with, but discovered them, without my putting questions to him; viz. that a treacherous design was contrived against me; and that I was doomed to die by those that sent him. When I heard this, I wrote back this answer; “Josephus to Jonathan, and those that are with him, sendeth greeting. Upon the information that you are come in health into Galilee, I rejoice; and this especially because I can now resign the care of publick affairs here into your hands, and return into my native countrey. Which is what I have desired to do a great while. And I confess I ought not only to come to you, as far as Xaloth, but farther; and this without your commands. But I desire you to excuse me, because I cannot do it now; since I watch the motions of Placidus; who hath a mind to go up into Galilee; and this I do here at Chabolo. Do you therefore, on the receipt of this epistle, come hither to me. Fare ye well.”

45. When I had written thus, and given the letter to be carried by the soldier, I sent along with him thirty of the Galileans, of the best characters; and gave them instructions to salute those ambassadors, but to say nothing else to them. I also gave orders to as many of those armed men whom I esteemed most faithful to me, to go along with the others; every one with him whom he was to guard; lest some conversation might pass between those whom I sent, and those who were with Jonathan. So those men went [to Jonathan.] But when Jonathan and his partners had failed in this their first attempt; they sent me another letter: the contents whereof were as follows: “Jonathan, and those with him, to Josephus, send greeting. We require thee to come to us, to the village Gabaroth, on the third day, without any armed men, that we may hear what thou hast to lay to the charge of John [of Gischala.]” When they had written this letter, they saluted the Galileans whom I sent, and came to Japha: which was the largest village of all Galilee, and encompassed with very strong walls, and had a great number of inhabitants in it. There the multitude of men, with their wives and children met them: and exclaimed loudly against them, and desired them to be gone, and not to envy them the advantage of an excellent commander. With these clamours Jonathan and his partners were greatly provoked; although they durst not shew their anger openly. So they made them no answer; but went to other villages. But still the same clamours met them from all the people, who said, “No body should persuade them to have any other commander, besides Josephus.” So Jonathan and his partners went away from them, without success; and came to Sepphoris, the greatest city of all Galilee. Now the men of that city, who inclined to the Romans in their sentiments, met them indeed; but neither praised, nor reproached me. And when they were gone down from Sepphoris, to Asochis, the people of that place made a clamour against them, as those of Japha had done. Whereupon they were able to contain themselves no longer; but ordered the armed men that were with them to beat those that made the clamour with their clubs. And when they came to Gabara, John met them, with three thousand armed men. But, as I understood by their letter, that they had resolved to fight against me, I arose from Chabolo, with three thousand armed men also, but left in my camp one of my fastest friends, and came to Jotapata: as desirous to be near them: the distance being no more than forty furlongs. Whence I wrote thus to them, “If you are very desirous that I should come to you, you know there are two hundred and forty cities and villages in Galilee, I will come to any of them, which you please, excepting Gabara, and Gischala: the one of which is John’s native city; and the other in confederacy, and friendship with him.”

46. When Jonathan and his partners had received this letter, they wrote me no more answers; but called a council of their friends together: and taking John into their consultation, they took counsel together by what means they might attack me. John’s opinion was, that they should write to all the cities and villages that were in Galilee. For that there must be certainly one or two persons in every one of them that was at variance with me: and that they should be invited to come to oppose me, as an enemy. He would also have them send this resolution of theirs to the city Jerusalem: that its citizens, upon the knowledge of my being adjudged to be an enemy by the Galileans, might themselves also confirm that determination. He said also, that when this was done, even those Galileans who were well affected to me, would desert me, out of fear. When John had given them this counsel; what he had said was very agreeable to the rest of them. I was also made acquainted with these affairs about the third hour of the night: by the means of one Saccheus, who had belonged to them; but now deserted them, and came over to me, and told me what they were about. So I perceived that no time was to be lost. Accordingly I gave command to Jacob, an armed man of my guard, whom I esteemed faithful to me, to take two hundred men, and to guard the passages that led from Gabara to Galilee, and to seize upon the passengers, and send them to me: especially such as were caught with letters about them. I also sent Jeremias himself, one of my friends, with six hundred armed men to the borders of Galilee: in order to watch the roads that led from this countrey to the city Jerusalem: and gave him a charge to lay hold of such as travelled with letters about them; to keep the men in bonds, upon the place, but to send me the letters.

47. When I had laid these commands upon them, I gave them orders, and bid them to take their arms, and bring three days provision with them, and be with me the next day. I also parted those that were about me into four parts; and ordained those of them that were most faithful to me, to be a guard to my body. I also set over them centurions: and commanded them to take care that not a soldier which they did not know should mingle himself among them. Now on the fifth day following, when I was at Gabaroth, I found the intire plain that was before the village full of armed men; who were come out of Galilee to assist me. Many others of the multitude also out of the village ran along with me. But as soon as I had taken my place, and begun to speak to them, they all made an acclamation, and called me the benefactor and saviour of the countrey. And when I had made them my acknowledgements, and thanked them [for their affection to me,] I also advised them to fight with no body; (20) nor to spoil the countrey: but to pitch their tents in the plain, and be content with their sustenance they had brought with them. For I told them that I had a mind to compose these troubles without shedding any blood. Now it came to pass that on the very same day those who were sent by John with letters, fell among the guards whom I had appointed to watch the roads. So the men were themselves kept upon the place, as my orders were; but I got the letters: which were full of reproaches and lies: and I intended to fall upon these men, without saying a word of these matters to any body.

48. Now as soon as Jonathan and his companions heard of my coming, they took all their own friends, and John with them, and retired to the house of Jesus. Which indeed was a large castle, and no way unlike a citadel. So they privately laid a band of armed men therein, and shut all the other doors but one; which they kept open: and they expected that I should come out of the road to them, to salute them. And indeed they had given orders to the armed men, that when I came they should let no body besides me come in: but should exclude others. As supposing that, by this means, they should easily get me under their power. But they were deceived in their expectation. For I perceived what snares they had laid for me. Now as soon as I was got off my journey, I took up my lodging over against them; and pretended to be asleep. So Jonathan and his party, thinking that I was really asleep, and at rest, made haste to go down into the plain; to persuade the people that I was an ill governor. But the matter proved otherwise. For upon their appearance, there was a cry made by the Galileans immediately; declaring their good opinion of me as their governor. And they made a clamour against Jonathan, and his partners, for coming to them, when they had suffered no harm; and as though they would overturn their happy settlement: and desired them by all means to go back again. For that they would never be persuaded to have any other to rule over them but my self. When I heard of this, I did not fear to go down into the midst of them. I went therefore my self down presently, to hear what Jonathan and his companions said. As soon as I appeared, there was immediately an acclamation made to me by the whole multitude; and a cry in my commendation by them: who confessed their thanks was owing to me for my good government of them.

49. When Jonathan and his companions heard this, they were in fear of their own lives: and in danger lest they should be assaulted by the Galileans on my account. So they contrived how they might run away. But as they were not able to get off, for I desired them to stay, they looked down with concern at my words to them. I ordered therefore the multitude to restrain intirely their acclamations; and placed the most faithful of my armed men upon the avenues, to be a guard to us, lest John should unexpectedly fall upon us: and I encouraged the Galileans to take their weapons, lest they should be disturbed at their enemies, if any sudden insult should be made upon them. And then, in the first place, I put Jonathan and his partners in mind of their [former] letter, and after what manner they had written to me; and declared they were sent by the common consent of the people of Jerusalem, to make up the differences I had with John: and how they had desired me to come to them. And as I spake thus, I publickly shewed that letter they had written, till they could not at all deny what they had done: the letter it self convicting them. I then said, “O Jonathan, and you that are sent with him as his colleagues: if I were to be judged as to my behaviour, compared with that of John’s, and had brought no more than two or three witnesses, (21) good men and true, ’tis plain you had been forced, upon the examination of their characters beforehand, to discharge the accusations. That therefore you may be informed that I have acted well in the affairs of Galilee, I think three witnesses too few to be brought by a man that hath done as he ought to do. So I gave you all these for witnesses. Enquire of them, (22) how I have lived; and whether I have not behaved my self with all decency, and after a virtuous manner among them. And I farther conjure you, O Galileans, to hide no part of the truth; but to speak before these men, as before judges; whether I have in any thing acted otherwise than well.”

50. While I was thus speaking, the united voices of all the people joined together, and called me their benefactor, and saviour; and attested to my former behaviour; and exhorted me to continue so to do hereafter. And they all said, upon their oaths, that their wives had been preserved free from injuries; and that no one had ever been aggrieved by me. After this I read to the Galileans two of those epistles which had been sent by Jonathan, and his colleagues; and which those whom I had appointed to guard the road had taken, and sent to me. These were full of reproaches, and of lies: as if I had acted more like a tyrant, than a governor against them. With many other things besides therein contained, which were no better indeed than impudent falsities. I also informed the multitude, how I came by these letters: and that those who carried them delivered them up voluntarily. For I was not willing that my enemies should know any thing of the guards I had set; lest they should be afraid, and leave off writing hereafter.

51. When the multitude heard these things, they were greatly provoked at Jonathan, and his colleagues that were with him; and were going to attack them, and kill them. And this they had certainly done, unless I had restrained the anger of the Galileans, and said, that “I forgave Jonathan and his colleagues what was past, if they would repent, and go to their own countrey, and tell those who sent them the truth, as to my conduct.” When I had said this, I let them go: although I knew they would do nothing of what they had promised. But the multitude were very much enraged against them, and intreated me to give them leave to punish them for their insolence. Yet did I try all methods to persuade them to spare the men. For I knew that every instance of sedition was pernicious to the publick welfare. But the multitude were too angry with them to be dissuaded: and all of them went immediately to the house in which Jonathan and his colleagues abode. However, when I perceived that their rage could not be restrained, I got on horseback, and ordered the multitude to follow me, to the village Sogane, which was twenty furlongs off Gabara. And by using this stratagem, I so managed my self, as not to appear to begin a civil war amongst them.

52. But when I was come near Sogane, I caused the multitude to make an halt; and exhorted them not to be so easily provoked to anger, and to the inflicting such punishments as could not be afterwards recalled: I also gave order that an hundred men, who were already in years, and were principal men among them, should get themselves ready to go to the city Jerusalem, and should make a complaint before the people, of such as raised seditions in the countrey. And I said to them, that “In case they be moved with what you say, you shall desire the community to write to me, and to injoin me to continue in Galilee; and to order Jonathan and his colleagues to depart out of it.” When I had suggested these instructions to them, and while they were getting themselves ready, as fast as they could; I sent them on this errand the third day after they had been assembled. I also sent five hundred armed men with them, [as a guard.] I then wrote to my friends in Samaria, to take care that they might safely pass through the countrey. For Samaria was already under the Romans: and it was absolutely necessary for those that go quickly [to Jerusalem,] to pass through that countrey. For in that road you may, in three days time, go from Galilee to Jerusalem. I also went my self, and conducted the old men as far as the bounds of Galilee; and set guards in the roads, that it might not be easily known by any one that these men were gone. And when I had thus done, I went and abode at Japha.

53. Now Jonathan and his colleagues having failed of accomplishing what they would have done against me, they sent John back to Gischala; but went themselves to the city Tiberias: expecting it would submit it self to them. And this was founded on a letter which Jesus, their then governor, had written them; promising that if they came, the multitude would receive them, and choose to be under their government. So they went their ways, with this expectation. But Silas, who, as I said, had been left curator of Tiberias by me, informed me of this; and desired me to make haste thither. Accordingly I complyed with his advice immediately: and came thither; but found my self in danger of my life, from the following occasion. Jonathan, and his colleagues, had been at Tiberias; and had persuaded a great many of such as had a quarrel with me to desert me. But when they heard of my coming, they were in fear for themselves; and came to me: and when they had saluted me, they said, that I was an happy man, in having behaved my self so well in the government of Galilee: and they congratulated me upon the honours that were paid me. For they said, that my glory was a credit to them, since they had been my teachers, and fellow-citizens: and they said farther, that it was but just that they should prefer my friendship to them, rather than John’s: and that they would have immediately gone home; but that they stayed that they might deliver up John into my power. And when they said this, they took their oaths of it; and those such as are most tremendous amongst us, and such as I did not think fit to disbelieve. However, they desired me to lodge some where else; because the next day was the sabbath: and that it was not fit the city of Tiberias should be disturbed [on that day.]

54. So I suspected nothing, and went away to Taricheæ: yet did I withal leave some to make enquiry in the city, how matters went, and whether any thing was said about me. I also set many persons all the way that led from Taricheæ to Tiberias, that they might communicate from one to another, if they learned any news from those that were left in the city. On the next day therefore they all came into the Proseucha. (23) It was a large edifice; and capable of receiving a great number of people. Thither Jonathan went in: and though he durst not openly speak of a revolt, yet did he say that their city stood in need of a better governor than it then had. But Jesus, who was the ruler, made no scruple to speak out; and said openly, “O fellow citizens! It is better for you to be in subjection to four than to one: and those such as are of high birth, and not without reputation for their wisdom:” and pointed to Jonathan and his colleagues. Upon his saying this, Justus came in, and commended him for what he had said: and persuaded some of the people to be of his mind also. But the multitude were not pleased with what was said; and had certainly gone into a tumult, unless the sixth hour, which was now come, had dissolved the assembly: at which hour our laws require us to go to dinner on sabbath days. So Jonathan, and his colleagues, put off their council till the next day: and went off without success. When I was informed of these affairs, I determined to go to the city of Tiberias in the morning. Accordingly, on the next day, about the first hour of the day, I came from Taricheæ; and found the multitude already assembled in the Proseucha: but on what account they were gotten together, those that were assembled did not know. But when Jonathan and his colleagues saw me there unexpectedly, they were in disorder. After which they raised a report of their own contrivance, that Roman horsemen were seen at a place called Union, in the borders of Galilee; thirty furlongs distant from the city. Upon which report Jonathan, and his colleagues, cunningly exhorted me not to neglect this matter, nor to suffer the land to be spoiled by the enemy. And this they said with a design to remove me out of the city, under the pretence of the want of extraordinary assistance; while they might dispose the city to be my enemy.

55. As for my self, although I knew of their design, yet did I comply with what they proposed: lest the people of Tiberias should have occasion to suppose, that I was not careful of their security. I therefore went out: but when I was at the place, I found not the least footsteps of any enemy, so I returned as fast as ever I could: and found the whole council assembled, and the body of the people gotten together, and Jonathan and his colleagues bringing vehement accusations against me; as one that had no concern to ease them of the burdens of war; and as one that lived luxuriously. And as they were discoursing thus, they produced four letters, as written to them from some people that lived at the borders of Galilee, imploring that they would come to their assistance: for that there was an army of Romans, both horsemen and footmen, who would come and lay waste the countrey on the third day. They desired them also to make haste, and not to overlook them. When the people of Tiberias heard this, they thought they spake truth; and made a clamour against me, and said, I ought not to sit still; but to go away to the assistance of their countreymen. Hereupon I said, (for I understood the meaning of Jonathan, and his colleagues) that I was ready to comply with what they proposed, and, without delay, to march to the war which they spake of. Yet did I advise them, at the same time; that since these letters declared, that the Romans would make their assault in four several places, they should part their forces into five bodies; and make Jonathan and his colleagues generals of each body of them: because it was fit for brave men not only to give counsel, but to take the place of leaders, and assist their countreymen when such a necessity pressed them. For, said I, ’Tis not possible for me to lead more than one party. This advice of mine greatly pleased the multitude. So they compelled them to go forth to the war. But their designs were put into very much disorder, because they had not done what they had designed to do, on account of my stratagem, which was opposite to their undertakings.

56. Now there was one whose name was Ananias, a wicked man he was, and very mischievous: he proposed that a general religious fast (24) should be appointed the next day for all the people; and gave order that at the same hour they should come to the same place, without any weapons; to make it manifest before God, that while they obtained his assistance, they thought all those weapons useless. This he said, not out of piety; but that they might catch me and my friends unarmed. Now I was hereupon forced to comply, lest I should appear to despise a proposal that tended to piety. As soon therefore as we were gone home, Jonathan, and his colleagues, wrote to John, to come to them in the morning; and desiring him to come with as many soldiers as he possibly could: for that they should then be able easily to get me into their hands, and to do all they desired to do. When John had received this letter, he resolved to comply with it. As for my self, on the next day, I ordered two of the guards of my body, whom I esteemed the most couragious, and most faithful, to hide daggers under their garments; and to go along with me: that we might defend our selves, if any attack should be made upon us by our enemies. I also my self took my breast-plate, and girded on my sword so that it might be, as far as was possible, concealed; and came into the Proseucha.

57. Now Jesus, who was the ruler, commanded that they should exclude all that came with me: for he kept the door himself, and suffered none but his friends to go in. And while we were engaged in the duties of the day, and had betaken our selves to our prayers, Jesus got up, and enquired of me what was become of the vessels that were taken out of the King’s palace, when it was burnt down;22 [and] of that uncoined silver; and in whose possession they now were? This he said, in order to drive away time, till John should come. I said that Capellus, and the ten principal men of Tiberias, had them all: and I told him that they might ask them whether I told a lie or not. And when they said they had them, he asked me, what is become of those twenty pieces of gold which thou didst receive upon the sale of a certain weight of uncoined money? I replyed, that I had given them to those ambassadors of theirs, as a maintenance for them, when they were sent by them to Jerusalem. So Jonathan, and his colleagues, said, that I had not done well to pay the ambassadors out of the publick money. And when the multitude were very angry at them for this; for they perceived the wickednes of the men; I understood that a tumult was going to arise: and being desirous to provoke the people to a greater rage against the men, I said, “But if I have not done well in paying our ambassadors out of the publick stock, leave off your anger at me; for I will repay the twenty pieces of gold my self.”

58. When I had said this, Jonathan, and his colleagues, held their peace: but the people were still more irritated against them, upon their openly shewing their unjust ill will to me. When Jesus saw this change in the people, he ordered them to depart; but desired the senate to stay: for that they could not examine things of such a nature in a tumult. And as the people were crying out, that they would not leave me alone, there came one, and told Jesus, and his friends, privately, that John, and his armed men were at hand. Whereupon Jonathan, and his colleagues, being able to contain themselves no longer, and perhaps the providence of God hereby procuring my deliverance: for had not this been so, I had certainly been destroyed by John; said, “O you people of Tiberias: leave off this enquiry about the twenty pieces of gold. For Josephus hath not deserved to die for them. But he hath deserved it by his desire of tyrannizing, and by cheating the multitude of the Galileans with his speeches, in order to gain the dominion over them.” When he had said this, they presently laid hands upon me, and endeavoured to kill me. But as soon as those that were with me saw what they did, they drew their swords, and threatened to smite them, if they offered any violence to me. The people also took up stones; and were about to throw them at Jonathan: and so they snatched me from the violence of my enemies.

59. But as I was gone out a little way, I was just upon meeting John, who was marching with his armed men. So I was afraid of him; and turned aside, and escaped by a narrow passage to the lake, and seized on a ship, and embarked in it, and sailed over to Taricheæ. So, beyond my expectation, I escaped this danger. Whereupon I presently sent for the chief of the Galileans, and told them, after what manner, against all faith given, I had been very near to destruction from Jonathan, and his colleagues, and the people of Tiberias. Upon which the multitude of the Galileans were very angry, and encouraged me to delay no longer to make war upon them, but to permit them to go against John, and utterly to destroy him; as well as Jonathan, and his colleagues. However, I restrained them, though they were in such a rage; and desired them to tarry a while, till we should be informed what orders those ambassadors that were sent by them to the city of Jerusalem should bring thence: for I told them, that it was best for them to act according to their determination. Whereupon they were prevailed on. At which time also John, when the snares he had laid did not take effect, returned back to Gischala.

60. Now in a few days those ambassadors whom we had sent came back again; and informed us, that the people were greatly provoked at Ananus, and Simon the son of Gamaliel, and their friends; that without any publick determination, they had sent to Galilee, and had done their endeavours that I might be turned out of the government. The ambassadors said farther, that the people were ready to burn their houses. They also brought letters, whereby the chief men of Jerusalem, at the earnest petition of the people, confirmed me in the government of Galilee; and injoined Jonathan, and his colleagues to return home quickly. When I had gotten these letters, I came to the village Arbela; where I procured an assembly of the Galileans to meet; and bid the ambassadors declare to them the anger of the people of Jerusalem at what had been done by Jonathan and his colleagues: and how much they hated their wicked doings: and how they had confirmed me in the government of their countrey: as also what related to the order they had in writing for Jonathan and his colleagues to return home. So I immediately sent them the letter: and bid him that carried it to enquire, as well as he could, how they intended to act [on this occasion.]

61. Now when they had received that letter, and were thereby greatly disturbed, they sent for John, and for the senators of Tiberias, and for the principal men of the Gabarens; and proposed to hold a council: and desired them to consider what was to be done by them. However, the governors of Tiberias were greatly disposed to keep the government to themselves; for they said, it was not fit to desert their city, now it was committed to their trust; and that otherwise I should not delay to fall upon them. For they pretended falsely, that so I had threatened to do. Now John was not only of their opinion; but advised them, that two of them should go to accuse me before the multitude [at Jerusalem;] that I do not manage the affairs of Galilee as I ought to do: and that they would easily persuade the people, because of their dignity; and because the whole multitude are very mutable. When therefore it appeared that John had suggested the wisest advice to them, they resolved that two of them, Jonathan and Ananias, should go to the people of Jerusalem: and the other two [Simon and Joazar] should be left behind to tarry at Tiberias. They also took along with them an hundred soldiers for their guard.

62. However, the governors of Tiberias took care to have their city secured with walls: and commanded their inhabitants to take their arms. They also sent for a great many soldiers from John to assist them against me, if there should be occasion for them. Now John was at Gischala. Jonathan therefore, and those that were with him, when they were departed from Tiberias, and as soon as they were come to Dabaritta, a village that lay in the utmost parts of Galilee, in the great plain, they about midnight fell among the guards I had set. Who both commanded them to lay aside their weapons, and kept them in bonds upon the place, as I had charged them to do. This news was written to me by Levi, who had the command of that guard committed to him by me. Hereupon I said nothing of it for two days; and pretending to know nothing about it, I sent a message to the people of Tiberias; and advised them to lay their arms aside; and to dismiss their men, that they might go home. But supposing that Jonathan, and those that were with him, were already arrived at Jerusalem, they made reproachful answers to me; yet was I not terrified thereby; but contrived another stratagem against them. For I did not think it agreeable with piety to kindle the fire of war against the citizens. As I was desirous to draw those men away from Tiberias, I chose out ten thousand of the best of my armed men; and divided them into three bodies; and ordered them to go privately, and lie still, as an ambush, in the villages. I also led a thousand into another village, which lay indeed in the mountains, as did the others, but only four furlongs distant from Tiberias; and gave order, that when they saw my signal, they should come down immediately: while I my self lay with my soldiers in the sight of every body. Hereupon the people of Tiberias at the sight of me came running out of the city perpetually, and abused me greatly. Nay their madness was come to that height, that they made a decent bier for me, and standing about it, they mourned over me in the way of jest and sport. And I could not but be my self in a pleasant humour, upon the sight of this madness of theirs.

63. And now being desirous to catch Simon by a wile, and Joazar with him; I sent a message to them, and desired them to come a little way out of the city, with many of their friends to guard them. For I said I would come down to them, and make a league with them, and divide the government of Galilee with them. Accordingly Simon was deluded, on account of his imprudence, and out of the hopes of gain; and did not delay to come: but Joazar, suspecting snares were laid for him, stayed behind. So when Simon was come out, and his friends with him for his guard, I met him, and saluted him with great civility, and professed that I was obliged to him for his coming up to me. But a little while afterward I walked along with him, as though I would say something to him by himself; and when I had drawn him a good way from his friends, I took him about the middle, and gave him to my friends that were with me, to carry him into a village; and commanding my armed men to come down, I, with them, made an assault upon Tiberias. Now as the fight grew hot on both sides, and the soldiers belonging to Tiberias were in a fair way to conquer me; for my armed men were already fled away; I saw the posture of my affairs: and encouraging those that were with me, I pursued those of Tiberias, even when they were already conquerors, into the city. I also sent another band of soldiers into the city by the lake; and gave them orders to set on fire the first house they could seize upon. When this was done, the people of Tiberinas thought that their city was taken by force; and so threw down their arms for fear; and implored, they, their wives, and children, that I would spare their city. So I was over-persuaded by their intreaties; and restrained the soldiers from the vehemency with which they pursued them. While I my self, upon the coming on of the evening, returned back with my soldiers; and went to refresh my self. I also invited Simon to sup with me, and comforted him, on occasion of what had happened. And I promised that I would send him safe and secure to Jerusalem; and withal would give him provisions for his journey thither.

64. But on the next day, I brought ten thousand armed men, with me, and came to Tiberias. I then sent for the principal men of the multitude into the publick place, and injoined them to tell me, who were the authors of the revolt; and when they had told me who the men were, I sent them bound to the city Jotapata. But as to Jonathan and Ananias, I freed them from their bonds, and gave them provisions for their journey; together with Simon and Joazar, and five hundred armed men who should guard them; and so I sent them to Jerusalem. The people of Tiberias also came to me again; and desired that I would forgive them for what they had done: and they said they would amend what they had done amiss with regard to me, by their fidelity for the time to come: and they besought me to preserve what spoils remained upon the plunder of the city, for those that had lost them. Accordingly I injoined those that had got them, to bring them all before us. And when they did not comply for a great while; and I saw one of the soldiers that were about me with a garment on, that was more splendid than ordinary, I asked him, whence he had it? And when he replyed, that he had it out of the plunder of the city; I had him punished with stripes: and I threatened all the rest to inflict a severer punishment upon them, unless they produced before us whatsoever they had plundered. And when a great many spoils were brought together, I restored to every one of Tiberias what they claimed to be their own.

65. And now I am come to this part of my narration, I have a mind to say a few things to Justus; who hath himself written a history concerning these affairs; as also to others who profess to write history, but have little regard to truth; and are not afraid, either out of ill will or good will to some persons, to relate falsehoods. These men do like those who compose forged deeds and conveyances: and because they are not brought to the like punishment with them, they have no regard to truth. When therefore Justus undertook to write about these facts, and about the Jewish war, that he might appear to have been an industrious man; he falsifyed in what he related about me: and could not speak truth, even about his own countrey. Whence it is that being belyed by him, I am under a necessity to make my defence: and so I shall say what I have concealed till now. And let no one wonder that I have not told the world these things a great while ago. For although it be necessary for an historian to write the truth; yet is such an one not bound severely to animadvert on the wickedness of certain men: not out of any favour to them; but out of an author’s own moderation. “How then comes it to pass, O Justus, Thou most sagacious of writers, (that I may address my self to him, as if he were here present;) for so thou boastest of thy self; that I and the Galileans have been the authors of that sedition which thy countrey engaged in, both against the Romans, and against the King? [Agrippa junior.] For before ever I was appointed governor of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem, both thou, and all the people of Tiberias, had not only taken up arms, but had made war with Decapolis of Syria.23 Accordingly thou hadst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a domestick servant of thine fell in the battel. Nor is it I only who say this; but so it is written in the commentaries of Vespasian, the Emperor. As also how the inhabitants of Decapolis came clamouring to Vespasian, at Ptolemais; and desired that thou, who wast the author [of that war,] mightest be brought to punishment. And thou hadst certainly been punished at the command of Vespasian, had not King Agrippa, who had power given him to have thee put to death, at the earnest intreaty of his sister Bernice, changed the punishment from death, into a long imprisonment. Thy political administration of affairs afterward do also clearly discover both thy other behaviour in life, and that thou wast the occasion of thy countreys revolt from the Romans: plain signs of which I will produce presently. I have also a mind to say a few things to the rest of the people of Tiberias on thy account; and to demonstrate to those that light upon this history, that you bare no good will neither to the Romans, nor to the King. To be sure the greatest cities of Galilee, O Justus, were Sepphoris; and, thy countrey, Tiberias. But Sepphoris, situate in the very midst of Galilee, and having many villages about it, and able, with ease, to have been bold and troublesome to the Romans, if they had so pleased, yet did it resolve to continue faithful to those their masters, and at the same time excluded me out of their city; and prohibited all their citizens from joining with the Jews in the war. And that they might be out of danger from me, they, by a wile, got leave of me to fortify their city with walls. They also, of their own accord, admitted of a garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Cestius Gallus, who was then president of Syria; and so had me in contempt: though I was then very powerful, and all were greatly afraid of me. And at the same time that the greatest of our cities Jerusalem, was besieged, and that temple of ours which belonged to us all, was in danger of falling under the enemies power, they sent no assistance thither; as not willing to have it thought they would bear arms against the Romans. But as for thy countrey, O Justus, situate upon the lake of Gennesareth, and distant from Hippos thirty furlongs; from Gadara sixty; and from Scythopolis, which was under the King’s jurisdiction, an hundred and twenty: when there was no Jewish city near, it might easily have preserved its fidelity [to the Romans,] if it had so pleased them to do. For the city and its people had plenty of weapons. But, as thou sayest, I was then the author [of their revolt.] And pray, O Justus, who was that author afterwards? For thou knowest that I was in the power of the Romans before Jerusalem was besieged; and before the same time Jotapata was taker by force; as well as many other fortresses, and a great many of the Galileans fell in the war. It was therefore then a proper time, when you were certainly freed from any fear on my account, to throw away your weapons; and to demonstrate to the King, and to the Romans, that it was not of choice, but as forced by necessity that you fell into the war against them. But you stayed till Vespasian came himself as far as your walls, with his whole army; and then you did indeed lay aside your weapons, out of fear; and your city had, for certain, been taken by force, unless Vespasian had complyed with the King’s supplication for you; and had excused your madness. It was not I, therefore, who was the author of this, but your own inclinations to war. Do not you remember how often I got you under my power, and yet put none of you to death? Nay you once fell into a tumult one against another, and slew one hundred and eighty five of your citizens; not on account of your good will to the King, and to the Romans; but on account of your own wickedness. And this while I was besieged by the Romans in Jotapata. Nay indeed, were there not reckoned up two thousand of the people of Tiberias, during the siege of Jerusalem; some of whom were slain, and the rest caught, and carried captives? But thou wilt pretend, that thou didst not engage in the war; since thou didst flee to the King. Yes indeed, thou didst flee to him: but I say, it was out of fear of me. Thou sayst indeed, that it is I who am a wicked man. But then, for what reason was it that King Agrippa, who procured thee thy life, when thou wast condemned to die by Vespian; and who bestowed so much riches upon thee; did twice afterward put thee into bonds, and as often obliged thee to run away from thy countrey? And when he had once ordered thee to be put to death, he granted thee a pardon, at the earnest desire of Bernice. And when, after so many of thy wicked pranks, he made thee his secretary, he caught thee falsifying his epistles, and drove thee away from his sight. But I shall not enquire accurately into these matters of scandal, against thee. Yet cannot I but wonder at thy impudence; when thou hast the assurance to say, that thou hast better related these affairs [of the war] than have all the others that have written about them. Whilst thou didst not know what was done in Galilee: for thou wast then at Berytus, with the King; nor didst thou know how much the Romans suffered at the siege of Jotapata; or what miseries they brought upon us. Nor couldest thou learn by enquiry what I did during that siege my self. For all those that might afford such information were quite destroyed in that siege.24 But perhaps thou wilt say, thou hast written of what was done against the people of Jerusalem exactly. But how should that be? For neither wast thou concerned in that war; nor hast thou read the Commentaries of Cesar’s: of which we have evident proof; because thou hast contradicted those Commentaries of Cesar’s in thy history. But if thou art so hardy as to affirm, that thou hast written that history better than all the rest; why didst thou not publish thy history while the Emperors Vespasian and Titus, the generals in that war, as well as King Agrippa, and his family, who were men very well skilled in the learning of the Greeks, were all alive? For thou hast had it written these twenty years: and then mightest thou have had the testimony of thy accuracy. But now when these men are no longer with us, and thou thinkest thou canst not be contradicted, thou venturest to publish it. But then, I was not in like manner afraid of my own writing, but I offered my books to the Emperors themselves, when the facts were almost under mens eyes. For I was conscious to my self that I had observed the truth of the facts: and as I expected to have their attestation to them, so I was not deceived in such expectation. Moreover, I immediately presented my history to many other persons, some of whom were concerned in the war; as was King Agrippa, and some of his kindred. Now the Emperor Titus was so desirous that the knowledge of these affairs should be taken from these books alone, that he subscribed his own hand to them, and ordered that they should be published. And for King Agrippa, he wrote me sixty two letters; and attested to the truth of what I had therein delivered: two of which letters I have here subjoined, and thou mayst thereby know their contents.” “King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting. I have read over thy book, with great pleasure; and it appears to me that thou hast done it much more accurately, and with greater care than have the other writers. Send me the rest of these books. Fare well, my dear friend.” “King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting. It seems by what thou hast written, that thou standest in need of no instuction, in order to our information from the beginning. However, when thou comest to me, I will inform thee of a great many things which thou dost not know.” So when this history was perfected, Agrippa neither by way of flattery, which was not agreeable to him; nor by way of irony, as thou wilt say; for he was intirely a stranger to such an evil disposition of mind; but he wrote thus by way of attestation to what was true: as all that read histories may do. And so much shall be said concerning Justus; (25) which I am obliged to add by way of digression.

66. Now, when I had settled the affairs of Tiberias, and had assembled my friends as a sanhedrim, I consulted what I should do as to John. Whereupon it appeared to be the opinion of all the Galileans, that I should arm them all, and march against John, and punish him as the author of all the disorders that had happened. Yet was not I pleased with their determination: as purposing to compose these troubles without bloodshed. Upon this I exhorted them to use the utmost care to learn the names of all that were under John: which when they had done, and I thereby was apprized who the men were; I published an edict, wherein I offered security, and my right hand, to such of John’s party as had a mind to repent: and I allowed twenty days time to such as would take this most advantagious course for themselves. I also threatened, that unless they threw down their arms, I would burn their houses, and expose their goods to publick sale. When the men heard of this, they were in no small disorder; and deserted John: and, to the number of four thousand, threw down their arms, and came to me. So that no others stayed with John, but his own citizens; and about fifteen hundred strangers that came from the metropolis of Tyre. And when John saw that he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he continued afterward in his own countrey, and was in great fear of me.

67. But about this time it was, that the people of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up arms; out of a confidence they had in the strength of their walls: and because they saw me engaged in other affairs also. So they sent to Cestius Gallus, who was President of Syria, and desired that he would either come quickly to them, and take their city under his protection; or send them a garrison. Accordingly Gallus promised them to come: but did not send word when he would come. And when I had learned so much, I took the soldiers that were with me, and made an assault upon the people of Sepphoris, and took the city by force. The Galileans took this opportunity, as thinking they had now a proper time for shewing their hatred to them: since they bore ill will to this city also. They then exerted themselves, as if they would destroy them all utterly with those that sojourned there also. So they ran upon them, and set their houses on fire: as finding them without inhabitants. For the men out of fear ran together to the citadel. So the Galileans carried off every thing; and omitted no kind of desolation which they could bring upon their countreymen. When I saw this, I was exceedingly troubled at it: and commanded them to leave off: and put them in mind, that it was not agreeable to piety to do such things to their countreymen. But since they neither would hearken to what I exhorted, nor to what I commanded them to do; for the hatred they bore to the people there, was too hard for my exhortations to them; I bid those my friends who were most faithful to me, and were about me, to give out reports, as if the Romans were falling upon the other part of the city, with a great army. And this I did, that by such a report’s being spread abroad, I might restrain the violence of the Galileans, and preserve the city of Sepphoris. And at length this stratagem had its effect. For upon hearing this report, they were in fear for themselves: and so they left off plundering, and ran away: and this more especially because they saw me, their general, do the same also. For that I might cause this report to be believed, I pretended to be in fear as well as they. Thus were the inhabitants of Sepphoris unexpectedly preserved by this contrivance of mine.

68. Nay indeed Tiberias had like to have been plundered by the Galileans also, upon the following occasion. The chief men of the senate wrote to the King, and desired that he would come to them, and take possession of their city. The King promised to come; and wrote a letter in answer to theirs, and gave it to one of his bed-chamber, whose name was Crispus; and who was by birth a Jew; to carry it to Tiberias. When the Galileans knew that this man carryed such a letter, they caught him, and brought him to me. But as soon as the whole multitude heard of it, they were inraged; and betook themselves to their arms. So a great many of them got together from all quarters the next day, and came to the city Asochis; where I then lodged; and made heavy clamours; and called the city of Tiberias a traytor to them, and a friend to the King: and desired leave of me to go down, and utterly destroy it. For they bore the like ill will to the people of Tiberias, as they did to those of Sepphoris.

69. When I heard this, I was in doubt what to do, and hesitated by what means I might deliver Tiberias from the rage of the Galileans. For I could not deny that those of Tiberias had written to the King, and invited him to come to them. For his letters to them in answer thereto would fully prove the truth of that. So I sat a long time musing with myself, and then said to them, “I know well enough that the people of Tiberias have offended: nor shall I forbid you to plunder the city. However, such things ought to be done with discretion. For they of Tiberias have not been the only betrayers of our liberty; but many of the most eminent patriots of the Galileans, as they pretended to be, have done the same. Tarry therefore till I shall thoroughly find out those authors of our danger: and then you shall have them all at once under your power: with all such as you shall your selves bring in also.” Upon my saying this, I pacified the multitude; and they left off their anger, and went their ways. And I gave orders that he who brought the King’s letters should be put into bonds: but in a few days I pretended that I was obliged, by a necessary affair of my own, to out of the Kingdom. I then called Crispus privately, and ordered him to make the soldier that kept him drunk, and to run away to the King. So when Tiberias was in danger of being utterly destroyed a second time, it escaped the danger by my skilful management, and the care that I had for its preservation.

70. About this time it was that Justus, the son of Pistus, without my knowledge, ran away to the King. The occasion of which I will here relate. Upon the beginning of the war between the Jews and Romans, the people of Tiberias resolved to submit to the King; and not to revolt from the Romans. While Justus tried to persuade them to betake themselves to their arms: as being himself desirous of innovations: and having hopes of obtaining the government of Galilee, as well as of his own countrey [Tiberias] also. Yet did he not obtain what he hoped for. Because the Galileans bore ill will to those of Tiberias: and this on account of their anger at what miseries they had suffered from them before the war. Thence it was, that they would not endure that Justus should be their governor. I my self also, who had been intrusted by the community of Jerusalem with the government of Galilee, did frequently come to that degree of rage at Justus, that I had almost resolved to kill him: as not able to bear his mischievous disposition. He was therefore much afraid of me, lest at length my passion should come to extremity. So he went to the King: as supposing that he should dwell better, and more safely with him.

71. Now when the people of Sepphoris had, in so surprizing a manner, escaped their first danger, they sent to Cestius Gallus, and desired him to come to them immediately, and take possession of their city; or else to send forces sufficient to repress all their enemies incursions upon them. And at the last they did prevail with Gallus to send them a considerable army, both of horse and foot: which came in the night time: and which they admitted into the city. But when the countrey round about it was harrassed by the Roman army, I took those soldiers that were about me, and came to Garisme, where I cast up a bank, a good way off the city Sepphoris. And when I was at twenty furlongs distance, I came upon it by night, and made an assault upon its walls with my forces. And when I had ordered a considerable number of my soldiers to scale them with ladders, I became master of the greatest part of the city. But soon after our unacquaintedness with the places forced us to retire; after we had killed twelve of the Roman footmen, and two horsemen; and a few of the people of Sepphoris: with the loss of only a single man of our own. And when it afterward came to a battel in the plain against the horsemen, and we had undergone the dangers of it couragiously for a long time, we were beaten. For upon the Romans encompassing me about, my soldiers were afraid, and fled back. There fell in that battel one of those that had been intrusted to guard my body: his name was Justus: who at this time had the same post with the King. At the same time also there came forces, both horsemen and footmen, from the King: and Sylla their commander: who was the captain of this guard. This Sylla pitched his camp at five furlongs distance from Julias, and set a guard upon the roads; both that which led to Cana, and that which led to the fortress Gamala: that he might hinder their inhabitants from getting provisions out of Galilee.

72. As soon as I had gotten intelligence of this, I sent two thousand armed men, and a captain over them, whose name was Jeremiah; who raised a bank a furlong off Julias, near to the river Jordan: and did no more than skirmish with the enemy: till I took three thousand soldiers my self, and came to them. But on the next day, when I had laid an ambush in a certain valley, not far from the bank, I provoked those that belonged to the King to come to a battel; and gave orders to my own soldiers to turn their backs upon them, until they should have drawn the enemy away from their camp, and brought them out into the field. Which was done accordingly. For Sylla, supposing that our party did really run away, was ready to pursue them. When our soldiers, that lay in ambush, took them on their backs, and put them all into great disorder. I also immediately made a sudden turn with my own forces, and met those of the King’s party, and put them to flight. And I had performed great things that day, if a certain fate had not been my hindrance. For the horse on which I rode, and upon whose back I fought, fell into a quagmire; and threw me on the ground. And I was bruised on my wrist, and carried into a village, named Cepharnome.25 or Capernaum. When my soldiers heard of this, they were afraid I had been worse hurt than I was; and so they did not go on with their pursuit any farther: but returned in very great concern for me. I therefore sent for the physicians: and while I was under their hand, I continued feaverish that day: and, as the physicians directed, I was that night removed to Taricheæ.

73. When Sylla and his party were informed what happened to me, they took courage again: and understanding that the watch was negligently kept in our camp, they by night placed a body of horsemen in ambush, beyond Jordan: and when it was day they provoked us to fight. And as we did not refuse it, but came into the plain, their horsemen appeared out of that ambush in which they had lain, and put our men into disorder; and made them run away. So they slew six men of our side. Yet did they not go off with the victory at last. For when they heard that some armed men were sailed from Taricheæ, to Julias, they were afraid, and retired.

74. It was not now long before Vespasian came to Tyre; and King Agrippa with him. But the Tyrians began to speak reproachfully of the King; and called him an enemy to the Romans. For they said, that Philip, the general of his army, had betrayed the royal palace, and the Roman forces that were in Jerusalem; and that it was done by his command. When Vespasian heard of this report, he rebuked the Tyrians, for abusing a man who was both a King, and a friend to the Romans. But he exhorted the King to send Philip to Rome, to answer for what he had done before Nero. But when Philip was sent thither, he did not come into the sight of Nero. For he found him very near death, on account of the troubles that then happened, and a civil war: and so he returned to the King. But when Vespasian was come to Ptolemais, the chief men of Decapolis of Syria made a clamour against Justus of Tiberias, because he had set their villages on fire. So Vespasian delivered him to the King, to be put to death by those under the King’s jurisdiction. Yet did the King [only] put him into bonds, and concealed what he had done from Vespasian: as I have before related.26 But the people of Sepphoris met Vespasian, and saluted him, and had forces sent them, with Placidus their commander. He also went up with them, as I also followed them; till Vespasian came into Galilee. As to which coming of his, and after what manner it was ordered, and how he fought his first battel with me near the village Taricheæ, and how from thence they went to Jotapata, and how I was taken alive, and bound, and how I was afterward loosed; with all that was done by me in the Jewish war, and during the siege of Jerusalem, I have accurately related them in the Books concerning the war of the Jews.27 However, it will, I think, be fit for me to add now an account of those actions of my life, which I have not related in that Book of the Jewish war.

75. For when the siege of Jotapata was over, and I was among the Romans, I was kept with much care, by means of the great respect that Vespasian shewed me. Moreover, at his command, I married a virgin, who was from among the captives of that countrey. Yet did she not live with me long; but was divorced, upon my being freed from my bonds, and my going to Alexandria. (26) However, I married another wife at Alexandria; and was thence sent, together with Titus, to the siege of Jerusalem: and was frequently in danger of being put to death. While both the Jews were very desirous to get me under their power, in order to have me punished. And the Romans also, whenever they were beaten, supposed that it was occasioned by my treachery; and made continual clamours to the Emperors, and desired that they would bring me to that punishment, as a traytor to them. But Titus Cesar was well acquainted with the uncertain fortune of war, and returned no answer to the soldiers vehement sollicitations against me. Moreover, when the city Jerusalem was taken by force, Titus Cesar persuaded me frequently to take whatsoever I would out of the ruins of my countrey; and said that he gave me leave so to do. But when my countrey was destroyed, I thought nothing else to be of any value, which I could take and keep as a comfort under my calamities: so I made this request to Titus, that my family might have their liberty. I had also the Holy Books (27) by Titus’s concession. Nor was it long after that I asked of him the life of my brother, and of fifty friends with him: and was not denyed. When I also went once to the temple, by the permission of Titus; where there were a great multitude of captive women and children; I got all those that I remembred as among my own friends and acquaintance, to be set free, being in number about one hundred and ninety: and so I delivered them, without their paying any price of redemption; and restored them to their former fortune. And when I was sent by Titus Cesar, with Cerealius, and a thousand horsemen, to a certain village called Thecoa, in order to know whether it were a place fit for a camp; as I came back I saw many captives crucified: and remembred three of them, as my former acquaintance. I was very sorry at this in my mind; and went with tears in my eyes to Titus, and told him of them. So he immediately commanded them to be taken down, and to have the greatest care taken of them in order to their recovery. Yet two of them died under the physicians handsL while the third recovered.

76. But when Titus had composed the troubles in Judea, and conjectured that the lands which I had in Judea, would bring me in no profit, because a garrison to guard the countrey was afterward to pitch there, he gave me another countrey in the plain. And when he was going away to Rome, he made choice of me to sail along with him; and paid me great respect. And when we were come to Rome, I had great care taken of me by Vespasian. For he gave me an apartment in his own house, which he lived in before he came to the Empire. He also honoured me with the privilege of a Roman citizen; and gave me an annual pension: and continued to respect me to the end of his life, without any abatement of his kindness to me. Which very thing made me envyed, and brought me into danger. For a certain Jew, whose name was Jonathan, who had raised a tumult in Cyrene, and had persuaded two thousand men of that countrey to join with him, was the occasion of their ruin. But when he was bound by the governor of that countrey, and sent to the Emperor, he told him, that I had sent him both weapons and money. However, he could not conceal his being a lier from Vespasian: who condemned him to die. According to which sentence he was put to death. Nay after that, when those that envyed my good fortune did frequently bring accusations against me, by God’s providence I escaped them all. I also received from Vespasian no small quantity of land, as a free gift in Judea. About which time I divorced my wife also: as not pleased with her behaviour: though not till she had been the mother of three children: two of which are dead, and one, whom I named Hyrcanus, is alive. After this I married a wife who had lived at Crete: but a Jew by birth: a woman she was of eminent parents, and such as were the most illustrious in all the countrey; and whose character was beyond that of most other women: as her future life did demonstrate. By her I had two sons: the elder’s name was Justus: and the next Simonides: who was also named Agrippa. And these were the circumstances of my domestick affairs. However, the kindness of the Emperor to me continued still the same. For when Vespasian was dead, Titus, who succeeded him in the government, kept up the same respect for me, which I had from his father: and when I had frequent accusations laid against me, he would not believe them. And Domitian, who succeeded, still augmented his respects to me: for he punished those p685 Jews that were my accusers; and gave command that a servant of mine, who was an eunuch, and my accuser, should be punished. He also made that countrey I had in Judea tax free: which is a mark of the greatest honour to him who hath it. Nay Domitia, the wife of Cesar, continued to do me kindnesses. And this is the account of the actions of my whole life. And let others judge of my character by them, as they please. But to thee, O Epaphroditus, (28) thou most excellent of men, do I dedicate all this treatise of our Antiquities: and so, for the present, I here conclude the whole.

Notes

(1) N.B. That Josephus wrote, or at least finished this account of his own life, as an Appendix to his Antiquities, after the third year of Trajan, A.D. 100., and at least seven years after he had finished those Antiquities, see the VIth Dissertation prefixed, § 3. and the Note after Justus of Tiberius’s fragment, to be produced after this Life of Josephus.

(2) We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy of the IId Book against Apion, § 7, 8. (for the Greek is there lost;) which says, there were then only 4 tribes or courses of the priests, instead of 24. Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus there contradicted what he had affirmed here: because even the account there given better agrees to 24 than to 4 courses: while he says that each of those courses contained above 5000 men; which multiplied by only 4 will make not more than 20000 priests: whereas the number 120000. as multiplyed by 24 seems much the most probable, they being about one tenth of the whole people, even after the captivity. See Ezra 2:36-39. Nehem. 7:39-42. 1 Esdras 5:24, 25. with Ezra 2:64. Nehem. 7:66. 1 Esdras 5:41. Nor will this common reading or notion of but 4 courses of priests agree with Josephus’s own farther assertion elsewhere. Antiq. VII.14.7 that David’s partition of the priests into XXIV courses had continued to that day.

1 Hyrcanus the High Priest: Antiq. XVIII.4.3.

(3) An eminent example of the care of the Jews about their genealogies: especially as to the priests. See Contr. Ap. I.7.

(4) When Josephus here says, that from 16 to 19, or for three years he made trial of the three Jewish sects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens; and yet says presently, in all our copies, that he stayed besides with one particular ascetick, called Banus, παρ’ αὐτῷ, with him; and this still before he was 19. There is little room left for his trial of the three other sects. {"About 16" to 19 can be upwards of 4 years, since one is "nineteen years old" for a year; and possibly he made his investigations of the three sects while living the life of an ascetic. But onwards… } I suppose therefore that for παρ’ αὐτῷ, with him, the old reading might be παρ’ αὐτοῖς, with them: which is a very small emendation, and takes away the difficulty before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson’s conjecture, hinted at by Mr. Hall, in his Preface to the Doctor’s Edition of Josephus, at all improbable, that this Banus, by this his description, might well be a follower of John the Baptist: and that from him Josephus might easily imbibe such notions, as afterward prepared him to have a favourable opinion of Jesus Christ himself, who was attested to by John the Baptist.

(5) We may note here, that religious men among the Jews, or at least those that were priests, were sometimes asceticks also, and, like Daniel, and his companions in Babylon, Dan. 1:8-16. ate no flesh; but figs and nuts, &c. only. This was like the ξεροφαγία, or austere diet of the Christian asceticks in passion week. Constitut. V. 18.

(6) It hath been thought the number of Paul and his companions on shipboard, Acts 27:37. which are 276 in our copies; are too many. Whereas we find here, that Josephus, and his companions, a very few years after the other, were about 600.

2 Manahem and robbers: Of the War, II.17.9.

3 Florus beaten: Of the War, II.18.19.

4 What was done by inhabitants of Scythopolis: Of the War, II.18.3.

(7) The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fighting against their brethren, from that law of Moses, Levit. 19:16, Thou shalt not stand against the blood of thy neighbour; and that, ℣ 17. Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people: but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self: as well as from many other places in the Pentateuch, and Prophets. See Antiq. VIII.8.3.

5 Many ten thousands slain: 13000. ubi prius.

6 More accurate account of these things in Books of the Jewish War: Of the War, II.18. per tot.

(8) That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old called a Great King, as here, appears by his coins still remaining: to which Havercamp refers us.

7 Herod built Tiberias: Antiq. XVIII.2.3.

8 Royal palace at Jerusalem besieged: Antiq. XVII.10.

9 70 went to Cesarea, together with 12 ambassadors: The famous Jewish numbers of twelve and seventy are here remarkable.

10 Equiculus Modius replaces Varus, as elsewhere related: This citation is now wanting.

11 Sapphias, whom we have already mentioned: Of the War, II.20.4.

12 No oil pure for their use: See the Note on Antiq. XII.3.1.

13 70 Galilean hostages: See Of the War, II.20.5.

(10) Our Josephus shews both here and every where, that he was a most religious person; and one that had a deep sense of God, and his providence upon his mind: and ascribed all his numerous and wonderful escapes and preservations in times of danger to God’s blessing him, and taking care of him; and this on account of his acts of piety, justice, humanity, and charity to the Jews his brethren.

14 Hot baths at Tiberias: Or near to. See Reland, p. 1037.

15 Silas made governor of Tiberias as I have said: This citation is now wanting. {Of the War II.21.6.}

16 John came out and saluted me: Otherwise Of the War, II.21.6.

(11) Josephus’s opinion is here well worth noting, that every one is to be permitted to worship God according to his own conscience; and is not to be compelled in matters of religion. As one may here observe, on the contrary, that the rest of the Jews were still for obliging all those who married Jews to be circumcised, and become Jews, and were ready to destroy all that would not submit to do so. {The very different question of marrying Jewish women does not arise in this passage.} See § 31. and the Ist of the VI Dissertations prefixed, § 81. and Luke 9:54.

(12) How Josephus could say here that the Jewish laws forbad them to spoil even their enemies; while yet, a little before his time, our Saviour had mentioned it as then a current maxim with them, Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy, Matthew 5:43. is worth our enquiry. I take it, that Josephus, having been now for many years, an Ebionite Christian, had learned this interpretation of the law of Moses from Christ: whom he owned for the true Messiah: as it follows in the succeeding verses, Which though he might not read in St. Matthew’s Gospel, yet might he have read much the same exposition in their own Ebionite or Nazarene Gospel it self. Of which improvements made by Josephus, after he was become a Christian, we have already had several examples in this his Life, § 3, 13, 15, 19, 21, 23. and shall have many more therein before its conclusion, as well as we have them elsewhere in all his later writings.

17 Only Simon stayed with Josephus: There were three more with him. Of the War, II.21.3.

18 One of the boldest of the robbers: Several. Of the War, II.21.5.

(13) Here we may observe the vulgar Jewish notion of witchcraft; but that our Josephus was too wise to give any countenance to it.

19 Laws forbid fighting on the sabbath: So the Note on Antiq. XIV.4.3.

20 Guard the city: So the sense seems to require: though the word in our present copies διαρπάζειν signifies to plunder.

(14) In this section, as well as in § 18. and § 33. those small vessels that sailed on the sea of Galilee, are called by Josephus Νῆες, and Πλοῖα, and Σκάφη, i.e. plainly ships. So that we need not wonder at our Evangelists who still call them ships. Nor ought we to render them boats, as some do. Their number was in all 230. as we learn from our author elsewhere. Of the War, II.21.8.

21 Slew Chares and Jesus, as we have already said: § 35.

(15) Part of these fortifications on Mount Tabor may be those still remaining; and which were seen lately by Mr. Maundrel. See his Travels, pag. 112.

(16) This Gamaliel may be the very same that is mentioned by the Rabbins in the Mishna, in Juchasin, and in Porta Mosis: as is observed in the Latin Notes. He might be also that Gamaliel II. whose grandfather was Gamaliel the I. who is mentioned Acts 5:34. and at whose feet St. Paul was brought up. Acts 22:3. See Prid. at the year 446.

(17) This Jonathan is also taken notice of in the Latin Notes, as the same that is mentioned by the Rabbins in Porta Mosis. [“Praised”, says the Latin note: Hunc puto illum esse qui laudatur in Porta Mosis, p. 121.]

(18) This I take to be the first of Josephus’s remarkable or divine dreams, which were predictive of the great things that afterwards came to pass. Of which see more in the Note on Antiq. III.8.9. The other is in the War, III.8.3., {and III.8.} 9.

(19) If the reading of Chabolo be admitted; for so all the MSS have it, whatever conjectures there are to the contrary, I see no sufficient reason why this may not be supposed to be the chief town or village of the land of Chabul, given Hiram by Solomon, but refused by him, and called thence the land of Chabul; or not desirable, 1 Kings 9:13. It was certainly not very remote from the place: or in the neighbourhood of Ptolemais.

(20) Josephus’s directions to his soldiers here, are much the same that John the Baptist gave, Luke 3:14. Do violence to no man; neither accuse any falsely: and be content with your wages. Whence Dr. Hudson confirms his conjecture, that Josephus, in some things, was, even now, a follower of John the Baptist: which is no way improbable. See the Note on § 2.

(21) We here learn the practice of the Jews, in the days of Josephus, to enquire into the characters of witnesses, before they were admitted; and that their number ought to be three, or two at the least also: exactly as in the law of Moses, and in the Apostolical Constitutions, II.37. See Horeb Covenant Reviv’d, pag. 97, 98.

(22) This appeal to the whole body of the Galileans, by Josephus; and the testimony they gave him of integrity in his conduct, as their governor, is very like that appeal and testimony in the case of the Prophet Samuel: 1 Sam. 12:1-5. and perhaps was done by Josephus in imitation of him.

(23) It is worth noting here, that there was now a great Proseucha or place of prayer in the city Tiberias it self: though such Proseucha used to be out of cities; as the synagogues were within them. Of them see Le Moyne on Polycarp’s Epistle, pag. 76. It is also worth our remark, that the Jews in the days of Josephus, used to dine at the sixth hour, or noon; and that in obedience to their notions of the law of Moses also.

(24) One may here observe, that this lay Pharisee, Ananias, as we have seen he was, § 39. took upon him to appoint a fast at Tiberias, and was obeyed. Though indeed it was not out of religion, but knavish policy.

22 When the King’s palace burnt down: § 12.

23 Decapolis of Syria: Several times mentioned in the New Testament. See § 74. and Of the War, III.8.7. and Reland, Tom. I. pag 198, 203, 204. Tom. II. pag. 526.

24 All witnesses of the siege of Jotapata destroyed: Of the War, III.7.36.

(25) The character of this history of Justus of Tiberias, the rival of our Josephus, which is now lost, with its only remaining fragment, are given us by a very able critick, Photius, who read that history. It shall be here set down presently, after this Life of Josephus; as it is in Havercamp’s Edition. {It’s on pages 686–687 of the 1737 Whiston edition of Josephus, following the Life, but we shall put it here in the notes:}

Justus of Tiberias’s

CHRONOLOGY

of the

KINGS of JUDAH:

Out of Photius’s Bibliotheca,

Cod. XXXIII.

I have read, says Photius, the chronology of Justus of Tiberias: whose title is this, [The Chronology of] the Kings of Judah, which succeeded one another. This [Justus] came out of the city of Tiberias in Galilee. He begins his history from Moses; and ends it not till the death of Agrippa the seventh [ruler] of the family of Herod,* and the last King of the Jews: who took the government under Claudius; had it augmented under Nero; and still more augmented by Vespasian. He died in the third year of Trajan: where also his history ends. He is very concise in his language, and slightly passes over those affairs that were most necessary to be insisted on. And being under the Jewish prejudices, as indeed he was himself also a Jew by birth, he makes not the least mention of the appearance of Christ, or what things happened to him, or of the wonderful works that he did. He was the son of a certain Jew, whose name was Pistus. He was a man, as he is described by Josephus, of a most profligate character: a slave both to money, and to pleasures. In publick affairs he was opposite to Josephus: and ’tis related that he laid many plots against him; but that Josephus, though he had his enemy frequently under his power, did only reproach him in words, and so let him go, without farther punishment. He says also, that the history which this man wrote is, for the main, fabulous; and chiefly as to those parts where he describes the Roman’s war with the Jews, and the taking of Jerusalem.”

* These seven rulers of the family of Herod were, I suppose,

Herod the Great himself.

Archelaus, King, or Ethnarch of Judea.

Herod, King of Chalcis.

Herod Antipas, Tetrarch of Galilee.

Philip, Tetrarch of Iturea, and Trachonitis.

Agrippa sen. King of Judea.

Agrippa jun. King, not properly in general of Judea; but once of the adjoining country of Chalcis; and afterward of Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, and Batanea, with some particular cities of Galilee, and power over the temple of Jerusalem. See Noldius De Herod. Nº 375, &c.

Of this Justus also, and of his writings, see Valesius’s Note upon Eusebius’s Hist. Eccles. III.10. and Vossius, De Historicis Græcis.

N.B. By this direct and undeniable testimony of Justus of Tiberias, who was long acquainted with this Agrippa jun. and ended his history with his death, in the 3d year of Trajan, or A.D. 100. and, by Josephus’s account of his own Life, § 65. which was written, or at least finished after that year, as his own words to Justus fully imply, “Why didth thou not publish thy history while Vespasian and Titus and Agrippa, with his familiy were alive?” We certainly learn that Agrippa was now dead, as well as Vespasian, and Titus. And that this 3d year of Trajan ought not to be corrected to the 3d year of Vespasian; as Bp. Pearson and Mr. Dodwell would have it; Pearson Dessert. De Annis Pontif. pag. 172–175. appears most evidently by the many coins of this Agrippa, joined with the heads of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian; and by one in particular with the head of Vespasian, and the express designation of the XXIXth year of Agrippa upon it: which reaches till near the end of Vespasian’s reign; and is a demonstration against any such groundless emendation. See the VIIIth Dissertation prefixed, § 23.

25 Village named Cepharnome: Or Capernaum, so often mentioned in the New Testament.

26 Pur Justus in bonds, as before related: § 65.

27 Josephus’s role in the Jewish war, as related: In Book IV.

(26) Here Josephus, a priest, honestly confesses that he did that at the command of Vespasian, which he had before told us was not lawful for a priest to do by the law of Moses, Antiq. III.12.2. I mean the taking a captive woman to wife. See also against Apion, I.7. But he seems to have been quickly sensible that his complyance with the commands of an Emperor would not excuse him; for he soon put her away: as Reland justly observes here.

(27) Of this most remarkable clause, and its most important consequences, see Essay on the Old Testament, pag. 193, 194, 195. and the IId Dissertation prefixed, § 1.

(28) Of this Epaphroditus, see the Note on the Preface to the Antiquities; and that which follows presently {that is, the note above on Justus of Tiberias’s Chronology, which help to identify who Epaphroditus is not}.

Love is sacrifice.

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JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:43:46 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:43:46 GMT -6

Flavius Josephus of the Antiquities of the Jews — Book I

Containing the interval of 3833 Years.

From the Creation to the Death of Isaac.

Chapter 1.

The constitution of the world, and the disposition of the elements. (1)

1. [An. 4484] In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. But when the earth did not come into sight, but was covered with thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its surface, God commanded that there should be light: and when that was made, he considered the whole mass, and separated the light and the darkness; and the name he gave to one was night, and the other he called day: and he named the beginning of light, and the time of rest, the evening and the morning. And this was indeed the first day. But Moses said it was one (2) day; the cause of which I am able to give even now; but because I have promised to give such reasons for all things in a treatise by it self, I shall put off its exposition till that time. After this, on the second day, he placed the heaven over the whole world, and separated it from the other parts; and he determined it should stand by it self. He also placed a cristalline [firmament] round it; and put it together in a manner agreeable to the earth; and fitted it for giving moisture and rain, and for affording the advantage of dews. On the third day he appointed the dry land to appear, with the sea it self round about it. And on the very same day he made the plants and the seeds to spring out of the earth. On the fourth day he adorned the heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other stars; and appointed them their motions and courses: that the vicissitudes of the seasons might be clearly signified. And on the fifth day he produced the living creatures, both those that swim, and those that fly; the former in the sea, the latter in the air. He also sorted them as to society, and mixture for procreation; and that their kinds might increase and multiply. On the sixth day he created the four-footed beasts, and made them male and female. On the same day he also formed man. Accordingly Moses says, that in just six days the world, and all that is therein, was made. And that the seventh day was a rest, and a release from the labour of such operations. Whence it is that we celebrate a Rest from our labours on that day, and call it the Sabbath: which word denotes Rest in the Hebrew tongue.

2. Moreover Moses, after the seventh day was over, (3) begins to talk philosophically; and concerning the formation of man says thus: that God took dust from the ground, and formed man, and inserted in him a spirit and a soul. (4) This man was called Adam: which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that is red; because he was formed out of red earth compounded together: for of that kind is virgin and true earth. God also presented the living creatures, when he had made them, according to their kinds, both male and female, to Adam; and gave them those names by which they are still called. But when he saw that Adam had no female companion, no society, for there was no such created; and that he wondered at the other animals which were male and female, he laid him asleep, and took away one of his ribs, and out of it formed the woman. Whereupon Adam knew her, when she was brought to him, and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman is called in the Hebrew tongue Issa: but the name of this woman was Eve: which signifies the Mother of all living.

3. Moses says farther, that God planted a paradise in the east, flourishing with all sorts of trees; and that among them was the Tree of Life, and another of Knowledge: whereby was to be known what was Good and Evil. And that when he brought Adam and his wife into this garden, he commanded them to take care of the plants. Now the garden was watered by one river, (5) which ran round about the whole earth, and was parted into four parts. And Phison, which denotes a Multitude, running into India, makes its exit into the sea; and is by the Greeks called Ganges. Euphrates also, as well as Tigris, goes down into the Red Sea. (6) Now the name Euphrates, or Phrath, denotes either a Dispersion, or a Flower: by Tigris or Diglath, is signified what is swift, with narrowness: and Geon runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises from the East: which the Greeks call Nile.

4. God therefore commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of all the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the Tree of Knowledge; and foretold to them, that if they touched it, it would prove their destruction. But while all the living creatures had one language (7) at that time, the serpent, which then lived together with Adam and his wife, shewed an envious disposition, at his supposal of their living happily, and in obedience to the commands of God. And imagining that when they disobeyed them they would fall into calamities, he persuaded the woman, out of a malicious intention, to taste of the Tree of Knowledge: telling them, that in that tree was the Knowledge of Good and Evil: which knowledge when they should obtain they would lead a happy life; nay a life not inferior to that of a God. By which means he overcame the woman, and persuaded her, to despise the command of God. Now when she had tasted of that tree, and was pleased with its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make use of it also. Upon this they perceived that they were become naked to one another; and being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they invented somewhat to cover them; for the tree sharpened their understanding; and they covered themselves with fig-leaves; and tying these before them, out of modesty, they thought they were happier than they were before; as they had discovered what they were in want of. But when God came into the garden, Adam, who was wont before to come and converse with him, being conscious of his wicked behaviour, went out of the way. This behaviour surprized God: and he asked what was the cause of this his procedure? And why he, that before delighted in that conversation, did now fly from it, and avoid it? When he made no reply, as conscious to himself that he had transgressed the command of God; God said, “I had before determined about you both, how you might lead an happy life, without any affliction, and care, and vexation of soul; and that all things which might contribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should grow up by my providence, of their own accord, without your own labour and pains-taking: which state of labour and pains-taking would soon bring on old age, and death would not be at any remote distance. But now thou hast abused this my good will, and hast disobeyed my commands: for thy silence is not the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil conscience.” However, Adam excused his sin; and intreated God not to be angry at him; and laid the blame of what was done upon his wife, and said that he was deceived by her, and thence became an offender. While she again accused the serpent. But God allotted him punishment, because he weakly submitted to the counsel of his wife; and said, the ground should not henceforth yield its fruits of its own accord, but that when it should be harassed by their labour, it should bring forth some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth others. He also made Eve liable to the inconveniency of breeding, and the sharp pains of bringing forth children: and this because she persuaded Adam with the same arguments wherewith the Serpent had persuaded her; and had thereby brought him into a calamitous condition. He also deprived the Serpent of speech, out of indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men; and suggested to them that they should direct their strokes against his head; that being the place wherein lay his mischievous designs towards men; and it being easiest to take vengeance on him that way. And when he had deprived him of the use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all along, and dragging himself upon the ground. And when God had appointed these penalties for them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the garden into another Place.

Chapter 2.

Concerning the Posterity of Adam, and the ten Generations from him to the Deluge.

1. Adam and Eve had two sons: the elder of them was named Cain; which name, when it is interpreted, signifies a Possession. The younger was Abel; which signifies Sorrow. They had also daughters. Now the two brethren were pleased with different courses of life: for Abel, the younger, was a lover of righteousness; and believing that God was present at all his actions, he excelled in virtue: and his employment was that of a shepherd. But Cain was not only very wicked in other respects; but was wholly intent upon getting: and he first contrived to plough the ground. He slew his brother on the occasion following. They had resolved to sacrifice to God. Now Cain brought the fruits of the earth, and of his husbandry: but Abel brought milk, and the first fruits of his flock. But God was more delighted with the latter oblation, (8) when he was honoured with what grew naturally of its own accord, than he was with what was the invention of a covetous man, and gotten by forcing the ground. Whence it was that Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred by God before him, and he slew his Brother, and hid his dead body: thinking to escape discovery. [About An. 4456] But God, knowing what had been done, came to Cain, and asked him, What was become of his brother? Because he had not seen him of many days: whereas he used to observe them conversing together at other times. But Cain was in doubt with himself, and knew not what answer to give to God. At first he said, that he himself was at a loss about his brother’s disappearing. But when he was provoked by God, who pressed him vehemently, as resolving to know what the matter was, he replied, He was not his brother’s guardian or keeper; nor was he an observer of what he did. But in return God convicted Cain, as having been the murderer of his brother; and said, “I wonder at thee, that thou knowest not what is become of a man whom thou thyself hast destroyed.” God therefore did not inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, on account of his offering sacrifice, and thereby making supplication to him not to be extreme in his wrath to him: but he made him accursed, and threatned his posterity in the seventh generation. (9) He also cast him, together with his wife, out of that land. And when he was afraid, that in wandring about he should fall among wild beasts, and by that means perish; God bid him not to entertain such a melancholy suspicion: and to go over all the earth without fear of what mischief he might suffer from wild beasts: and setting a mark upon him, that he might be known, he commanded him to depart.

2. And when Cain had travelled over many countries, he, with his wife, built a city, named Nod: which is a place so called: and there he settled his abode: where also he had children. However, he did not accept of his punishment in order to amendment, but to increase his wickedness: for he only aimed to procure every thing that was for his own bodily pleasure, though it obliged him to be injurious to his neighbours. He augmented his household substance with much wealth, by rapine and violence: he excited his acquaintance to procure pleasure and spoils by robbery: and became a great leader of men into wicked courses. He also introduced a change in that way of simplicity wherein men lived before; and was the author of measures and weights. And whereas they lived innocently and generously while they knew nothing of such arts, he changed the world into cunning craftiness. He first of all set boundaries about lands: he built a city, and fortified it with walls: and he compelled his family to come together to it: and called that city Enoch, after the name of his eldest son Enoch. Now Jared was the son of Enoch: whose son was Malaliel: whose son was Mathusela: whose son was Lamech. Who had seventy seven children by two wives, Silla and Ada. Of those children by Ada, one was Jabel: he erected tents, and loved the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was born of the same mother with him, exercised himself in musick; (10) and invented the psaltery and the harp. But Tubal, one of his children by the other wife, exceeded all men in strength, and was very expert and famous in martial performances. He procured what tended to the pleasures of the body by that method: and first of all invented the art of making brass. Lamech was also the father of a daughter, whose name was Naamah. And because he was so skilful in matters of divine revelation, that he knew he was to be punished for Cain’s murder of his brother, he made that known to his wives. Nay even while Adam was alive it came to pass, that the posterity of Cain became exceeding wicked; every one successively dying one after another more wicked than the former: they were intolerable in war, and vehement in robberies; and if any one were slow to murder people, yet was he bold in his profligate behaviour; in acting unjustly, and doing injuries for gain.

3. Now Adam, who was the first man, and made out of the earth: (for our discourse must now be about him:) after Abel was slain, and Cain fled away, on account of his murder, was sollicitous for posterity; and had a vehement desire of children: he being two hundred and thirty years old: after which time he lived other seven hundred, and then died. He had indeed many other children: (11) but Seth in particular [An. 4355]. As for the rest it would be tedious to name them: I will therefore only endeavour to give an account of those that proceeded from Seth. Now this Seth, when he was brought up, and came to those years in which he could discern what was good, became a virtuous man: and as he was himself of an excellent character, so did he leave children behind him who imitated his virtues. (12) All these proved to be of good dispositions. They also inhabited the same country without dissensions, and in an happy condition, without any misfortunes falling upon them, till they died. [About An. 4300] They also were the inventors of that peculiar sort of wisdom, which is concerned with the heavenly bodies, and their order. And that their inventions might not be lost before they were sufficiently known, upon Adam’s prediction that the world was to be destroyed at one time by the force of fire, and at another time by the violence and quantity of water, they made two pillars: (13) the one of brick, the other of stone: they inscribed their discoveries on them both: that in case the pillar of brick should be destroyed by the flood, the pillar of stone might remain, and exhibit those discoveries to mankind: and also inform them that there was another pillar of brick erected by them. Now this remains in the land of Siriad to this day.

Chapter 3.

Concerning the Flood; and after what manner Noah was saved in an Ark, with his kindred; and afterwards dwelt in the plain of Shinar.

1. Now this posterity of Seth continued to esteem God as the Lord of the universe, and to have an entire regard to virtue, for seven generations: but in process of time they were perverted, and forsook the practices of their fore-fathers; and did neither pay those honours to God which were appointed them, nor had they any concern to do justice towards men. But for what degree of zeal they had formerly shewn for virtue, they now shewed by their actions a double degree of wickedness. Whereby they made God to be their enemy. For many Angels of God (14) accompanied with women, and begat sons that proved unjust, and despisers of all that was good; on account of the confidence they had in their own strength. For the tradition is, that these men did what resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians call Giants. But Noah was very uneasy at what they did: and being displeased at their conduct, persuaded them to change their dispositions, and their actions for the better. But seeing they did not yield to him, but were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was afraid they would kill him, together with his wife and children, and those they had married. So he departed out of that land.

2. Now God loved this man for his righteousness. Yet he not only condemned those other men for their wickedness, but determined to destroy the whole race of mankind; and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness: and cutting short their lives, and making their years not so many as they formerly lived, but one hundred and twenty only, (15) he turned the dry land into sea. And thus were all these men destroyed. But Noah alone was saved. For God suggested to him the following contrivance and way of escape. That he should make an Ark of four stories high; three hundred cubits1 long; fifty cubits broad, and thirty cubits high. [An. 2929] Accordingly he entered into that Ark, and his wife, and sons, and their wives; and put into it not only other provisions, to support their wants there, but also sent in with the rest all sorts of living creatures, the male and his female, for the preservation of their kinds, and others of them by sevens. Now this Ark had firm walls, and a roof; and was braced with cross beams: so that it could not be any way drowned, or over-born by the violence of the water. And thus was Noah, with his family, preserved. Now he was the tenth from Adam: as being the son of Lamech: whose father was Mathusala: he was the son of Enoch, the son of Jared: and Jared was the son of Malaleel: who, with many of his sisters, were the children of Cain[an], the son of Enos. Now Enos was the son of Seth, the son of Adam.

3. This calamity happened in the six hundredth year of Noah’s government [Age], in the second Month, called by the Macedonians Dius; but by the Hebrews Marhesvan: for so did they order their year in Egypt. (16) But Moses appointed that Nisan, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the first month, for their festivals; because he brought them out of Egypt in that month. So that this Month began the year, as to all the solemnities they observed to the honour of God: although he preserved the original order of the months as to selling and buying, and other ordinary affairs. Now he says, that this flood began on the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of the forementioned month: and this was two thousand six hundred and fifty six [one thousand five hundred and fifty six years] from Adam the first man: and the time is written down in our sacred Books: (17) those who then lived having noted down, with great accuracy, both the births and deaths of illustrious men.

4. For indeed Seth was born when Adam was in his two hundred and thirtieth year: who lived nine hundred and thirty years. Seth begat Enos in his two hundred and fifth year; who when he had lived nine hundred and twelve years, delivered the government to Cain[an] his son; whom he had in his hundred and ninetieth year. He lived nine hundred and five years. Cainan, when he had lived nine hundred and ten years, had his son Malaleel, who was born in his hundred and seventieth year. This Malaleel having lived eight hundred ninety five years, died; leaving his son Jared; whom he begat when he was at his hundred and sixty fifth year. He lived nine hundred and sixty two years: and then his son Enoch succeeded him: who was born when his father was one hundred and sixty two years old. Now he, when he had lived three hundred and sixty five years, departed and went to God. Whence it is that they have not written down his death. Now Mathusala, the son of Enoch, who was born to him when he was one hundred and sixty five years old, had Lamech for his son, when he was one hundred and eighty seven years of age: to whom he delivered the government when he had retained it nine hundred and sixty nine years. Now Lamech, when he had governed seven hundred and seventy seven years, appointed Noah his son to be ruler of the people: who was born to Lamech when he was one hundred and eighty two years old, and retained the government nine hundred and fifty years. These years collected together make up the sum before set down. But let no one enquire into the deaths of these men: for they extended their lives all along together with their children and grand-children: but let him have regard to their births only.

5. When God gave the signal, and it began to rain, the water poured down forty intire days; till it became fifteen cubits higher than the earth. Which was the reason why there was no greater number preserved; since they had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased, the water did but just begin to abate after one hundred and fifty days, that is on the seventeenth day of the seventh month: it then ceasing to subside for a little while. After this the Ark rested on the top of a certain mountain in Armenia: which when Noah understood, he opened it, and seeing a small piece of land about it, he continued quiet, and conceived some chearful hopes of deliverance. But a few days afterward, when the water was decreased to a greater degree, he sent out a raven; as desirous to learn whether any other part of the earth were left dry by the water: and whether he might go out of the Ark with safety. But the raven, finding the land all still over-flowed, returned to Noah again. But after seven days he sent out a dove, to know the state of the ground, which came back to him covered with mud; and bringing an olive branch. Hereby Noah learned, that the earth was become clear of the flood. [An. 2928] So after he had stayed seven more days, he sent the living creatures out of the Ark; and both he and his family went out, when he also sacrificed to God, and feasted with his companions. However, the Armenians call this place, Ἀποβατήριον, (18) The place of descent: for the Ark being saved in that place, its remains are shewed there by the inhabitants to this day.

6. Now all the writers of Barbarian Histories make mention of this flood, and of this Ark: among whom is Berosus the Chaldean. For when he is describing the circumstances of the flood, he goes on thus: “It is said there is still some part of this ship in Armenia, at the mountain of the Cordyæans; and that some people carry off pieces of the bitumen: which they take away, and use chiefly as amulets, for the averting of mischiefs.” Hieronymus the Egyptian also, who wrote the Phenician Antiquities; and Mnaseas, and a great many more make mention of the same. Nay Nicolaus of Damascus, in his ninety sixth Book, hath a particular relation about them: where he speaks thus: “There is a great mountain in Armenia, over Minyas, called Baris: upon which it is reported that many who fled at the time of the deluge were saved: and that one who was carried in an Ark, came on shore upon the top of it; and that the remains of the timber were a great while preserved: this might be the man about whom Moses, the Legislator of the Jews, wrote.”

7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since God had determined to destroy mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year. So he offered burnt offerings; and besought God that nature might hereafter go on in its former orderly course; and that he would not bring on so great a judgment any more, by which the whole race of creatures might be in danger of destruction: but that, having now punished the wicked, he would of his goodness spare the remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be delivered from so severe a calamity. For that otherwise these last must be more miserable than the first: and that they must be condemned to a worse condition than the others; unless they be suffered to escape intirely; that is, if they be reserved for another deluge: while they must be afflicted with the terror and sight of the first deluge; and must also be destroyed by a second. He also intreated God to accept of his sacrifice, and to grant, that the earth might never again undergo the like effects of his wrath; that men might be permitted to go on chearfully in cultivating the same; to build cities, and live happily in them: and that they might not be deprived of any of those good things which they enjoyed before the flood: but might attain to the like length of days, and old age, which the ancient people had arrived at before.

8. When Noah had made these supplications, God, who loved the man for his righteousness, granted intire success to his prayers: and said, that it was not He who brought the destruction on a polluted world; but that they underwent that vengeance on account of their own wickedness; and that he had not brought men into the world, if he had himself determined to destroy them. It being an instance of greater wisdom not to have granted them life at all, than, after it was granted, to procure their destruction. But the injuries, said he, they offered to my holiness and virtue, forced me to bring this punishment upon them. But I will leave off for the time to come to require such punishments, the effects of so great wrath, for their future wicked actions: and especially on account of thy prayers. But if I shall at any time send tempests of rain, in an extraordinary manner, be not affrighted at the largeness of the showers; for the water shall no more over-spread the earth. However, I require you to abstain from shedding the blood of men; and to keep your selves pure from murder; and to punish those that commit any such thing. I permit you to make use of all the other living creatures at your pleasure, and as your appetites lead you: for I have made you lords of them all; both of those that walk on the land, and of those that swim in the waters, and of those that fly in the regions of the air on high: excepting their blood: for therein is the life. But I will give you a sign that I have left off my anger by my bow; whereby is meant the rain-bow: for they determined that the rain-bow was the bow of God. And when God had said and promised thus, he went away.

9. [An. 2578] Now when Noah had lived three hundred and fifty years after the flood, and that all that time happily, he died: having lived the number of nine hundred and fifty years. But let no one, upon comparing the lives of the ancients with our lives, and with the few years which we now live, think, that what we have said of them is false; or make the shortness of our lives at present an argument that neither did they attain to so long a duration of life: for those ancients were beloved of God, and [lately] made by God himself: and because their food was then fitter for the prolongation of life, might well live so great a number of years. And besides, God afforded them a longer time of life on account of their virtue, and the good use they made of it in astronomical and geometrical discoveries: which would not have afforded the time for foretelling [the periods of the stars] unless they had lived six hundred years; for the Great Year is completed in that interval. Now I have for witnesses, to what I have said, all those that have written Antiquities, both among the Greeks and Barbarians. For even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History; and Berossus, who collected the Chaldean Monuments; and Mochus, and Hestiæus, and, besides these, Hieronymus the Egyptian, and those that composed the Phenician History, agree to what I here say. Hesiod also, (19) and Hecatæus, and Hellanicus, and Acusilaus; and, besides these, Ephorus and Nicolaus relate that the ancients lived a thousand years. But, as to these matters, let every one look upon them as he thinks fit. (20)

Love is sacrifice.

BrentKoivopolo888
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Just renamed my cat Gandalf because I found out he's a male cat.

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JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:45:28 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:45:28 GMT -6

Chapter 4.

Concerning the Tower of Babylon, and the confusion of Tongues.

1. Now the sons of Noah were three, Shem and Japhet, and Ham, born one hundred years before the deluge.2 These first of all descended from the mountains into the plains, and fixed their habitation there; and persuaded others, who were greatly afraid of the lower grounds on account of the flood, and so were very loth to come down from the higher places, to venture to follow their examples. Now the plain, in which they first dwelt, was called Shinar. God also commanded them to send colonies abroad, for the through peopling of the earth; that they might not raise seditions among themselves, but might cultivate a great part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after a plentiful manner. But they were so ill instructed, that they did not obey God. For which reason they fell into calamities, and were made sensible by experience of what sin they had been guilty of. For when they flourished with a numerous youth, God admonished them again to send out colonies. But they imagining the prosperity they enjoyed was not derived from the favour of God, but supposing that their own power was the proper cause of the plentiful condition they were in, did not obey him. Nay they added to this their disobedience to the divine will, the suspicion that they were therefore ordered to send out separate colonies, that, being divided asunder, they might the more easily be oppressed.

2. Now it was Nimrod who excited them to such an affront and contempt of God. He was the grand-son of Ham, the son of Noah: a bold man, and of great strength of hand. He persuaded them not to ascribe it to God, as if it was through his means that they were happy; but to believe that it was their own courage which procured that happiness. He also gradually changed the government into tyranny; seeing no other way of turning men from the fear of God, but to bring them into a constant dependence on his own power. He also said, “He would be revenged on God, if he should have a mind to drown the world again: for that he would build a Tower too high for the waters to be able to reach; and that he would avenge himself on God for destroying their fore-fathers.”

3. [About An. 2520] Now the multitude were very ready to follow the determination of Nimrod, and to esteem it a piece of cowardice to submit to God: and they built a Tower; neither sparing any pains, nor being in any degree negligent about the work. And, by reason of the multitude of hands employed in it, it grew very high, sooner than any one could expect. But the thickness of it was so great, and it was so strongly built, that thereby its great height seemed, upon the view, to be less than it really was. It was built of burnt brick, cemented together with morter, made of bitumen; that it might not be liable to admit water. When God saw that they acted so madly, he did not resolve to destroy them utterly; since they were not grown wiser by the destruction of the former sinners: but he caused a tumult among them, by producing in them diverse languages; and causing, that through the multitude of those languages, they should not be able to understand one another. The place wherein they built the Tower is now called Babylon: because of the confusion of that language which they readily understood before: for the Hebrews mean by the word Babel, Confusion. The Sibyll also makes mention of this tower, (21) and of the confusion of the language when she says thus: “When all men were of one language, some of them built an high tower, as if they would thereby ascend up to heaven. But the Gods sent storms of wind, and overthrew the tower, and gave every one his peculiar language. And for this reason it was that the city was called Babylon.” But as to the plan of Shinar, in the country of Babylonia, Hestiæus mentions it, when he says thus, “Such of the Priests as were saved took the sacred vessels of Jupiter Enyalius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia.”

Chapter 5.

After what manner the posterity of Noah sent out Colonies, and inhabited the whole earth.

1. After this they were dispersed abroad, on account of their languages, and went out by colonies every where. And each colony took possession of that land which they light upon, and unto which God led them: so that the whole continent was filled with them, both the inland and the maritime countries. There were some also who passed over the sea in ships, and inhabited the islands. And some of those nations do still retain the denominations which were given them by their first founders: but some have lost them also: and some have only admitted certain changes in them, that they might be the more intelligible to the inhabitants. And they were the Greeks who became the authors of such mutations. For when in after ages they grew potent, they claimed to themselves the glory of antiquity; giving names to the nations that sounded well [in Greek], that they might be better understood among themselves; and setting agreeable forms of government over them, as if they were a people derived from themselves.

Chapter 6.

How every nation was denominated from their first inhabitants. (22)

1. [About An. 2520] Now they were the grand-children of Noah, in honour of whom names were imposed on the nations, by those that first seized upon them. Japhet, the son of Noah, had seven sons: they inhabited so, that beginning at the mountains Taurus and Amanus, they proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Tanais; and along Europe to Cadiz: and settling themselves on the lands they light upon, which none had inhabited before, they called the nations by their own names. For Gomer founded those whom the Greeks now call Galatians [Galls], but were then called Gomerites. Magog founded those that from him were named Magogites; but who are by the Greeks called Scythians. Now as to Javan and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai came the Madeans, who are called Medes, by the Greeks; but from Javan, Jonia, and all the Grecians are derived. Thobel founded the Thobelites; which are now called Iberes: and the Mosocheni were founded by Mosoch; now they are Cappadocians. There is also a mark of their ancient denomination still to be shewed, for there is even now among them a city called Mazaca; which may inform those that are able to understand, that so was the intire nation once called. Thiras also called those whom he ruled over Thirasians: but the Greeks changed the name into Thracians. And so many were the countries that had the children of Japhet for their inhabitants. Of the three sons of Gomer, Aschanax founded the Aschanaxians; who are now called by the Greeks Rheginians. So did Riphath found the Ripheans, now called Paphlagonians; and Thrugramma, the Thrugrammeans, who, as the Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians. Of the three sons of Javan also, the son of Japhet, Elisa gave name to the Elisians, who were his subjects; they are now the Æolians. Tharsus to the Tharsians, for so was Cilicia of old called: the sign of which is this, that the noblest city they have, and a metropolis also, is Tarsus: the Tau being by change put for the Theta. Cethimus possessed the Island Cethima. It is now called Cyprus: and from that it is that all Islands, and the greatest part of the sea coasts are named Cethim by the Hebrews: and one city there is in Cyprus that has been able to preserve its denomination: it has been called Citius, by those who use the language of the Greeks, and has not, by the use of that dialect, escaped the name of Cethim. And so many nations have the children and grand-children of Japhet possessed. Now when I have premised somewhat, which perhaps the Greeks do not know, I will return and explain what I have omitted. For such names are pronounced here after the manner of the Greeks, to please my Readers. For our own country language does not so pronounce them. But the names in all cases are of one and the same ending: for the name we here pronounce Noeus, is there Noah; and in every case retains the same termination.

2. The children of Ham possessed the land from Syria and Amanus and the mountains of Libanus, seizing upon all that was on its sea-coasts; and as far as the ocean; and keeping it as their own. Some indeed of its names are utterly vanished away; others of them being changed, and another sound given them, are hardly to be discovered: yet a few there are which have kept their denominations intire. For of the four sons of Ham, time has not at all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians, over whom he reigned, are even at this day, both by themselves, and by all men in Asia, called Chusites. The memory also of the Mesraites is preserved in their name. For all we who inhabit this country [of Judea] called Egypt Mestre, and the Egyptians Mestreans. Phut also was the founder of Libya, and called the inhabitants Phutites, from himself: there is also a river in the country of Moors which bears that name. Whence it is that we may see the greatest part of the Grecian Historiographers mention that river, and the adjoining country, by the apellation of Phut. But the name it has now has been by change given it from one of the sons of Mesraim, who was called Lybyos. We will inform you presently what has been the occasion why it has been called Africa also. Canaan, the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country now called Judea, and called it from his own name Canaan. The children of these [four] were these: Sabas, who founded the Sabeans: Evilas, who founded the Evileans, who are called Getuli: Sabathes founded the Sabathens: they are now called by the Greeks Astaborans. Sabactas settled the Sabactens: and Ragmus the Ragmeans: and he had two sons, the one of whom, Judadas, settled the Judadeans; a nation of the western Ethiopians, and left them his name: as did Sabas, to the Sabeans. But Nimrod, the son of Chus, stayed and tyrannized at Babylon; as we have already informed you. Now all the children of Mesraim, being eight in number, possessed the country from Gaza to Egypt: though it retained the name of one only, the Philistim, for the Greeks call part of that country Palestine. As for the rest, Ludieim, and Enemim, and Labim, who alone inhabited in Libya, and called the country from himself, Nedim and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and Cephthorim, we know nothing of them besides their names. For the Ethiopick War, (23) which we shall describe hereafter, was the cause that those cities were overthrown. The sons of Canaan were these; Sidonius, who also built a city of the same name; it is called by the Greeks Sidon: Amathus inhabited in Amathine, which is even now called Amathe by the inhabitants: although the Macedonians named it Epiphania, from one of his posterity. Arudeus possessed the island Aradus: Arucas possessed Arce, which is in Libanus. But for the seven others, [Eueus,] Chetteus, Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergeseus, Eudeus, Sineus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred Books but their names: for the Hebrews over-threw their cities: and their calamities came upon them on the occasion following.

3. Noah, when after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its former condition, set about its cultivation: and when he had planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted: and being drunk, he fell a-sleep, and lay naked in an unseemly manner. When his youngest son saw this, he came laughing, and shewed him to his brethren: but they covered their father’s nakedness. And when Noah was made sensible of what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but cursed his posterity. (24) And when the rest of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it on the children of Canaan. But as to these matters we shall speak more hereafter.

4. Shem, the third son of Noah, had five Sons, who inhabited the land that began at Euphrates, and reached to the Indian Ocean. For Elam left behind him the Elamites, the ancestors of the Persians. Ashur lived at the city Nineve; and named his subjects Assyrians: who became the most fortunate nation, beyond others. Arphaxad named the Arphaxadites, who are now called Chaldeans. Aram had the Aramites; which the Greeks call Syrians: as Laud founded the Laudites, which are now called Lydians. Of the four sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and Damascus: this country lies between Palestine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia; and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans. It is now called Charax Spasini. Sala was the son of Arphaxad: and his son was Heber; from whom they originally called the Jews Hebrews. (25) Heber begat Joctan, and Phaleg. He was called Phaleg because he was born at the dispersion of the nations to their several countries; [An. 2528] (26) for Phaleg among the Hebrews signifies division. Now Joctan, one of the sons of Heber, had these sons, Elmodad, Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram, Aizel, Decla, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, Ophir, Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited from Cophen, an Indian river, and in part of Aria adjoining to it. And this shall suffice, concerning the sons of Shem.

5. I will now treat of the Hebrews. The son of Phaleg, whose father was Heber, was Ragau: whose son was Serug: to whom was born Nahor: his son was Terah: who was the father of Abraham: who accordingly was the tenth from Noah: (27) and was born in the two hundred and ninety second year after the deluge. For Terah begat Abram in his seventieth year. Nahor begat Haran, when he was one hundred and twenty years old: Nahor was born to Serug at his hundred and thirty second year: Ragau had Serug at one hundred and thirty: at the same time also Phaleg had Ragau: Heber begat Phaleg in his hundred and thirty fourth year: he himself being begotten by Sala when he was an hundred and thirty years old: whom Arphaxad had for his son at the hundred and thirty fifth year of his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shem; and born twelve years after the deluge. Now Abram had two brethren, Nahor and Haran. Of these, Haran left a son, Lot: as also Sarai and Milcha his daughters: and died among the Chaldeans, in a city of the Chaldeans called Ur: and his monument is shewed to this day. These married their Nieces. Nahor married Milcha, and Abram married Sarai. Now Terah hating Chaldea, on account of his mourning for Haran, they all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia; where Terah died, [An. 1962] and was buried, when he had lived, to be two hundred and five years old: for the life of man was already, by degrees, diminished, and became shorter than before, till the birth of Moses [An. 1612]: after whom the term of human life was one hundred and twenty years; God determining it to the length that Moses happened to live. Now Nahor had eight sons by Milcha; Uz, and Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel. These were all the genuine sons of Nahor: for Teba and Gaam, and Tachas, and Maaca, were born of Reuma his concubine: but Bethuel had a daughter Rebecca, and a son Laban.

Love is sacrifice.

BrentKoivopolo888
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Grand Inquisitive

Just renamed my cat Gandalf because I found out he's a male cat.

Posts: 3,851

JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:46:07 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:46:07 GMT -6

Chapter 7.

How Abram our fore-father went out of the land of the Chaldeans, and lived in the land then called Canaan, but now Judea.

1. Now Abram having no son of his own, adopted Lot, his brother Haran’s son, and his wife Sarai’s brother; and he left the land of Chaldea, when he was seventy five years old: and at the command of God went into Canaan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left it to his posterity. He was a person of great sagacity, both for understanding all things, and persuading his hearers, and not mistaken in his opinions. For which reason he began to have higher notions of virtue than others had; and he determined to renew and to change the opinion all men happened then to have concerning God. For he was the first that ventured to publish this notion, that there was but One God, the Creator of the Universe: and that as to other [Gods], if they contributed any thing to the happiness of men, that each of them afforded it only according to his appointment, and not by their own power. This his opinion was derived from the irregular phenomena that were visible both at land and sea; as well as those that happen to the sun, and moon, and all the heavenly bodies, thus: “If [said he] these bodies had power of their own, they would certainly take care of their own regular motions: but since they do not preserve such regularity, they make it plain that in so far as they co-operate to our advantage, they do it not of their own abilities, but as they are subservient to him that commands them: to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honour and thanksgiving.” For which doctrines when the Chaldeans and other people of Mesopotamia raised a tumult against him, he thought fit to leave that country; and at the command, and by the assistance of God, he came and lived in the land of Canaan. And when he was there settled, he built an altar, and performed a sacrifice to God.

2. Berosus mentions our father Abram without naming him, when he says thus; “In the tenth generation after the flood, there was among the Chaldeans a man, righteous, and great, and skilful in the celestial science.” But Hecatæus does more than barely mention him; for he composed, and left behind him, a Book concerning him. And Nicolaus of Damascus, in the fourth Book of his History says thus: “Abram reigned at Damascus; being a foreigner, who came with an army out of the land above Babylon, called the land of the Chaldeans. But after a long time he got him up, and removed from that country also, with his people, and went into the land then called the land of Canaan, but now the land of Judea: and this when his posterity were become a multitude; as to which posterity of his we relate their history in another work. Now the name of Abram is even still famous in the country of Damascus; and there is shewed a village named from him, The Habitation of Abram.”

Chapter 8.

That when there was a famine in Canaan, Abram went thence into Egypt; and after he had continued there a while, he returned back again.

1. Now after this, when a famine had invaded the land of Canaan, and Abram had discovered that the Egyptians were in a flourishing condition, he was disposed to go down to them: both to partake of the plenty they enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their Priests, and to know what they said concerning the Gods: designing either to follow them, if they had better notions than he; or to convert them into a better way, if his own notions proved the truest. Now seeing he was to take Sarai with him, and was afraid of the madness of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest the King should kill him on occasion of his wife’s great beauty, he contrived this device: He pretended to be her brother; and directed her in a dissembling way to pretend the same: for he said, it would be for their benefit. [About An. 1960] Now as soon as they came into Egypt, it happened to Abram as he supposed it would. For the fame of his wife’s beauty was greatly talked of: for which reason Pharaoh, the King of Egypt, would not be satisfied with what was reported of her, but would needs see her himself; and was preparing to enjoy her. But God put a stop to his unjust inclinations, by sending upon him a distemper, and a sedition against his government. And when he enquired of the Priests, how he might be freed from these calamities, they told him, that his miserable condition was derived from the wrath of God, upon account of his inclinations to abuse the stranger’s wife. He then, out of fear, asked Sarai who she was? and who it was that she brought along with her? And when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as desiring an affinity with him by marrying her; but not as incited by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money; and gave him leave to enter into conversation with the most learned among the Egyptians. From which conversation, his virtue and his reputation became more conspicuous than they had been before.

2. For whereas the Egyptians were formerly addicted to different customs, and despised one anothers sacred and accustomed rites, and were very angry one with another on that account; Abram conferred with each of them, and confuting the reasonings they made use of, every one for their own practices, he demonstrated that such reasonings were vain, and void of truth. Whereupon he was admired by them, in those conferences, as a very wise man, and one of great sagacity, when he discoursed on any subject he undertook; and this not only in understanding it, but in persuading other men also to assent to him. He communicated to them Arithmetick; and delivered to them the science of Astronomy. (28) For before Abram came into Egypt they were unacquainted with those parts of learning: for that science came from the Chaldeans into Egypt; and from thence to the Greeks also.

3. As soon as Abram was come back into Canaan, he parted the land between him and Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behaviour of their shepherds, concerning the pastures wherein they should feed their flocks. However, he gave Lot his option, or leave to chuse which lands he would take; and he took, himself, what the other left; which were the lower grounds at the foot of the mountains: and he himself dwelt in Hebron; which is a city seven years ancienter than Tanis of Egypt. But Lot possessed the land of the plain, and the river Jordan, not far from the city of Sodom: which was then a fine city, but is now destroyed, by the will and wrath of God: the cause of which I shall shew in its proper place hereafter.

Chapter 9.

The destruction of the Sodomites by the Assyrian War.

1. At this time, when the Assyrians had the dominion over Asia, the people of Sodom were in a flourishing condition; both as to riches, and the number of their youth. There were five Kings that managed the affairs of this country: Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and Sumobor, with the King of Bela; and each King led on his own troops. And the Assyrians made war upon them, and dividing their army into four parts, fought against them. Now every part of the army had its own commander: and when the battle was joined, the Assyrians were conquerors, and imposed a tribute upon the Kings of the Sodomites, who submitted to this slavery twelve years; and so long they continued to pay their tribute: but on the thirteenth year they rebelled; and then the army of the Assyrians came upon them, under their commanders, Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomor, and Tidal. These Kings had laid waste all Syria, and overthrown the offspring of the Giants. And when they were come over against Sodom, they pitched their camp at the vale called the Slimepits: for at that time there were pits in that place: but now, upon the destruction of the city of Sodom, that vale became the Lake Asphaltites, as it is called: however, concerning this Lake, we shall speak more presently. Now when the Sodomites joined battel with the Assyrians, and the fight was very obstinate, many of them were killed; and the rest were carried captive: among which captives was Lot, who had come to assist the Sodomites.

Chapter 10.

How Abram fought with the Assyrians, and overcame them, and saved the Sodomite prisoners, and took from the Assyrians the prey they had gotten.

1. [About An. 1955] When Abram heard of their calamity, he was at once afraid for Lot, his kinsman; and pitied the Sodomites, his friends and neighbours; and thinking it proper to afford them assistance, he did not delay it, but marched hastily; and the fifth night fell upon the Assyrians, near Dan; for that is the name of the other spring of Jordan: and before they could arm themselves he slew some as they were in their beds, before they could suspect any harm; and others, who were not yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk they could not fight, ran away. Abram pursued after them till, on the second day, he drove them in a body unto Hoba, a place belonging to Damascus: and thereby demonstrated that victory does not depend on multitude, and the number of hands; but the alacrity and courage of soldiers overcome the most numerous bodies of men: while he got the victory over so great an army with no more than three hundred and eighteen of his servants, and three of his friends. But all those that fled returned home ingloriously.

2. So Abram, when he had saved the captive Sodomites, who had been taken by the Assyrians, and Lot also, his kinsman, returned home in peace. Now the King of Sodom met him at a certain place, which they called The King’s dale, where Melchisedeck, King of the city Salem, received him. That name signifies, The righteous King: and such he was without dispute; insomuch that, on this account, he was made the Priest of God. However, they afterward called Salem Jerusalem. Now this Melchisedec supplied Abram’s army in an hospitable manner, and gave them provisions in abundance: and as they were feasting, he began to praise him, and to bless God for subduing his enemies under him. And when Abram gave him the tenth part of his prey, he accepted of the gift. But the King of Sodom desired Abram to take the prey; but intreated that he might have those men restored to him whom Abram had saved from the Assyrians, because they belonged to him. But Abram would not do so; nor would make any other advantage of that prey, than what his servants had eaten: but still insisted that he should afford a part to his friends that had assisted him in the battel. The first of them was called Eschol, and then Enner, and Mambre.

3. And God commended his virtue, and said, Thou shalt not however lose the rewards thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glorious actions. He answered, And what advantage will it be to me to have such rewards, when I have none to enjoy them after me? for he was hitherto childless. And God promised, that he should have a son, and that his posterity should be very numerous; insomuch, that their number should be like the stars. When he heard that, he offered a sacrifice to God, as he commanded him. The manner of the sacrifice was this: (29) He took an heifer of three years old, and a she goat of three years old, and a ram in like manner of three years old, and a turtle-dove, and a pigeon: and, as he was enjoined, he divided the three former, but the birds he did not divide. After which, before he built his altar, where the birds of prey flew about as desirous of blood, a divine voice came to him, declaring that their neighbours would be grievous to his posterity, when they should be in Egypt, for four hundred years: (30) during which time they should be afflicted: but afterwards should overcome their enemies, should conquer the Canaanites in war, and possess themselves of their land, and of their cities.

4. Now Abram dwelt near the oak called Ogyges: the place belongs to Canaan, not far from the city of Hebron. But being uneasy at his wife’s barrenness, he intreated God to grant that he might have male issue: and God required of him to be of good courage, and said, that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed upon him, ever since he led him out of Mesopotamia, the gift of children. [About An. 1950] Accordingly Sarai, at God’s command, brought to his bed one of her hand-maidens, a woman of Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her: and when this handmaid was with child, she triumphed, and ventured to affront Sarai; as if the dominion were to come to a son to be born of her. But when Abram resigned her into the hands of Sarai, to punish her, she contrived to fly away; as not able to bear the instances of Sarai’s severity to her; and she intreated God to have compassion on her. Now a divine Angel met her, as she was going forward in the wilderness; and bid her return to her master and mistress; for if she would submit to that wise advice, she should live better hereafter: for that the reason of her being in such a miserable case was this, that she had been ungrateful and arrogant towards her mistress. He also told her, that if she disobeyed God, and went on still in her way, she should perish; but if she would return back, she should become the mother of a son, who should reign over that country. These admonitions she obeyed, and returned to her master and mistress, and obtained forgiveness. A little while afterwards, she bare Ismael; which may be interpreted Heard of God: because God had heard his mother’s prayer.

5. The forementioned son was born to Abram when he was eighty six years old. But when he was ninety nine, God appeared to him, and promised him, that he should have a son by Sarai; and commanded that his name should be Isaac: and shewed him that from this son should spring great nations and Kings; and that they should obtain all the land of Canaan by war, from Sidon to Egypt. But he charged him, in order to keep his posterity unmixt with others, that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin; and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were born. The reason of which circumcision I will explain in another place. And Abram enquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he should live or not; God signified to him, that he should live to be very old, and should be the father of great nations. Abram therefore gave thanks to God for these blessings; and then he, and all his family, and his son Ismael were circumcised immediately; the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he ninety nine. [An. 1938]

Love is sacrifice.

BrentKoivopolo888
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Just renamed my cat Gandalf because I found out he's a male cat.

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JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:46:36 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:46:36 GMT -6

Chapter 11.

How God overthrew the nation of the Sodomites, out of his wrath against them for their sins.

1. About this time the Sodomites grew proud, on account of their riches and great wealth: they became unjust towards men, and impious towards God: insomuch that they did not call to mind the advantages they received from him: they hated strangers, and abused themselves with Sodomitical practices. God was therefore much displeased at them; and determined to punish them for their pride, and to overthrow their city, and to lay waste their country, till there should neither plant nor fruit grow out of it.

2. When God had thus resolved concerning the Sodomites, Abraham, as he sat by the Oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw three Angels; and thinking them to be strangers, he rose up, and saluted them, and desired they would accept of an entertainment, and abide with him: to which, when they agreed, he ordered cakes of meal to be made presently: and when he had slain a calf, he roasted it, and brought it to them, as they sat under the oak. Now they made a shew of eating; and besides they asked him about his wife Sarah, where she was? and when he said, she was within, they said they should come again hereafter, and find her become a mother. Upon which the woman laughed, and said that it was impossible she should bear children: since she was ninety years of age, and her husband was an hundred. Then they concealed themselves no longer; but declared that they were Angels of God; and that one of them was sent to inform them about the child; and two for the overthrow of Sodom.

3. When Abraham heard this, he was grieved for the Sodomites; and he rose up, and besought God for them, and intreated him that he would not destroy the righteous with the wicked. And when God had replied, that there was no good man among the Sodomites: for if there were but ten such man among them, he would not punish any of them for their sins, Abraham held his peace. [About An. 1940] And the Angels came to the city of the Sodomites, and Lot intreated them to accept of a lodging with him: for he was a very generous and hospitable man; and one that had learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham. Now when the Sodomites saw the young men to be of beautiful countenances, and this to an extraordinary degree, and that they took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved themselves to enjoy these beautiful boys by force and violence: and when Lot exhorted them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing immodest to the strangers, but to have regard to their lodging in his house; and promised, that if their inclinations could not be governed, he would expose his daughters to their lust, instead of these strangers: neither thus were they made ashamed.

4. But God was much displeased at their impudent behaviour: so that he both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot, upon God’s informing him of the future destruction of the Sodomites, went away; taking with him his wife, and daughters; who were two, and still virgins: for those that were betrothed (31) to them were above the thoughts of going; and deemed that Lot’s words were trifling. God then cast a thunderbolt upon the city, and set it on fire, with its inhabitants; and laid waste the country with the like burning: as I formerly said when I wrote the Jewish War. (32) But Lot’s wife continually turning back to view the city, as she went from it; and being too nicely inquisitive what would become of it, although God had forbidden her so to do; was changed into a pillar of salt. (33) For I have seen it, and it remains at this day. Now he and his daughters fled to a certain small place, encompassed with the fire, and settled in it. It is to this day called Zoar; for that is the word which the Hebrews use for a small thing. There it was that he lived a miserable life, on account of his having no company, and his want of provisions.

5. But his daughters thinking that all mankind were destroyed, approached to their father: (34) though taking care not to be perceived. This they did, that human kind might not utterly fail. And they bare sons: the son of the elder was named Moab: which denotes one derived from his father. the younger bare Ammon: which name denotes one derived from a kinsman. The former of whom was the father of the Moabites; which is even still a great nation. The latter was the father of the Ammonites: and both of them are inhabitants of Cele-Syria. And such was the departure of Lot from among the Sodomites.

Chapter 12.

Concerning Abimelech: and concerning Ismael the son of Abraham: and concerning the Arabians, which were his posterity.

1. [About An. 1940] Abraham now removed to Gerar of Palestine, leading Sarah along with him, under the notion of his sister: using the like dissimulation that he had used before, and this out of fear. For he was afraid of Abimelech, the King of that country; who did also himself fall in love with Sarah, and was disposed to corrupt her. But he was restrained from satisfying his lust by a dangerous distemper, which befel him from God. Now when his physicians despaired of curing him, he fell asleep, and saw a dream, warning him not to abuse the stranger’s wife: and when he recovered he told his friends, that God had inflicted that disease upon him, by way of punishment for his injury to the stranger; and in order to preserve the chastity of his wife: for that she did not accompany him as his sister, but as his legitimate wife: and that God had promised to be gracious to him for the time to come, if this person be once secure of his wife’s chastity. When he had said this, by the advice of his friends he sent for Abraham, and bid him not to be in the least concerned about his wife, or fear the corruption of her chastity: for that God took care of him: and that it was by his providence that he received his wife again, without her suffering any abuse. And he appealed to God, and to his wife’s conscience; and said that he had not any inclination at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was thy wife. But since, said he, thou ledst her about as thy sister, I was guilty of no offence. He also intreated him to be at peace with him; and to make God propitious to him. And that if he thought fit to continue with him, he should have what he wanted in abundance: but that if he designed to go away, he should be honourably conducted, and have whatsoever supply he wanted when he came thither. Upon his saying this, Abraham told him, that his pretence of kindred to his wife was no lie: because she was his brother’s daughter: and that he did not think himself safe in his travels abroad without this sort of dissimulation. And that he was not the cause of his distemper; but was only sollicitous for his own safety. He said also that he was ready to stay with him. Whereupon Abimelech assigned him land, and money; and they covenanted to live together without guile, and took an oath at a certain well, called Beersheba, which may be interpreted, The well of the oath. And so it is named by the people of the country unto this day.

2. [An. 1937] Now in a little time Abraham had a son by Sarah, as God had foretold him: whom he named Isaac: which signifies laughter. And indeed they so called him, because Sarah laughed when God (35) said that she should bear a son: she not expecting such a thing; as being past the age of child-bearing: for she was ninety years old, and Abraham an hundred, so that this son was born to them both in the last year of each of those decimal numbers. And they circumcised him upon the eighth day. (36) And from that time the Jews continue the custom of circumcising their sons within that number of days. But as for the Arabians, they circumcise after the thirteenth year: because Ismael, the founder of their nation, who was born to Abraham of the concubine, was circumcised at that age; concerning whom I will presently give a particular account, with great exactness.

3. As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael, who was born of her own handmaid Hagar, with an affection not inferior to that to a son of her own; for he was brought up in order to succeed in the government. But when she herself had borne Isaac, she was not willing that Ismael should be brought up with him; as being too old for him, and able to do him injuries when their father should be dead. She therefore persuaded Abraham to send him and his mother to some distant country. Now at the first he did not agree to what Sarah was so zealous for: and thought it an instance of the greatest barbarity to send away a young child, (37) and a woman unprovided of necessaries. But at length he agreed to it, because God was pleased with what Sarah had determined; so he delivered Ismael to his mother, as not yet able to go by himself: and commanded her to take a bottle of water, and a loaf of bread; and so to depart, and to take necessity for her guide. [About An. 1930] But as soon as her necessary provisions failed, she found herself in an evil case: and when the water was almost spent, she laid the young child, who was ready to expire, under a fir tree; and went on farther; that so he might die while she was absent. But a divine Angel came to her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and bid her take care, and bring up the child: because she should be very happy by the preservation of Ishmael. She then took courage, upon the prospect of what was promised her, and meeting with some shepherds, by their care she got clear of the distresses she had been in.

4. When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an Egyptian: from whence the mother was her self derived originally. Of this wife were born to Ishmael twelve sons: Nabaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos, Massaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus, Kadmas. These inhabited all the country from Euphrates, to the Red Sea: and called it Nabatene. They are an Arabian nation, and name their tribes from these: both because of their own virtue, and because of the dignity of Abraham their father.

Chapter 13.

Concerning Isaac, the legitimate son of Abraham.

1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as being his only begotten, (38) and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favour of God. The child also endeared himself to his parents still more, by the exercise of every virtue, and adhering to his duty to his parents, and being zealous in the worship of God. Abraham also placed his own happiness wholly in this prospect, that when he should die he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition. Which accordingly he obtained, by the will of God. Who being desirous to make an experiment of Abraham’s religious disposition towards himself, appeared to him, and “Enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed on him; how he had made him superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part of his present happiness, was derived from him; and he said that he required this son of his, as a sacrifice, and holy oblation.” Accordingly he commanded him to carry him to the mountain Moriah, and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it: for that this would best manifest his religious disposition towards him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God, before the preservation of his own son.

2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing: but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life: since all creatures that live enjoy their life by his providence, and the kindness he bestows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife; as also from every one of his servants: otherwise he should have been hindred from his obedience to God: and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. Now the two servants went along with him two days: but on the third day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants, that were with him till then, in the plain: and having his son alone with him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which King David afterwards built the temple. (39) Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice, excepting the animal that was to be offered only. [An. 1912] Now Isaac was twenty-five years old: and as he was building the altar, he asked his father, “What he was about to offer? since there was no animal there for an oblation?” To which it was answered, “That God would provide himself an oblation: he being able to make a plentiful provision for men out of what they have not; and to deprive others of what they already have, when they put too much trust therein; that therefore if God pleased to be present and propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself of an oblation.”

3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, “O son: I poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son: when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing that could contribute to thy support, for which I was not greatly sollicitous: nor any thing wherein I thought my self happier than to see thee grown up to man’s estate; and that I might leave thee, at my death, the successor to my dominion. But since it was by God’s will that I became thy father; and it is now his will that I relinquish thee; bear this consecration to God with a generous mind. For I resign thee up to God, who has thought fit now to require this testimony of honour to himself, on account of the favours he hath conferred on me, in being to me a supporter and defender. Accordingly thou, my son, wilt now die, not in any common way of going out of the world, but sent to God, the father of all men, beforehand, by thy own father, in the nature of a sacrifice. I suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of this world, neither by a disease, neither by war, nor by any other severe ways, by which death usually comes upon men: but so that he will receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion; and will place thee near to himself; and thou wilt there be to me a succourer and supporter in my old age: on which account I principally brought thee up; and thou wilt thereby procure me God for my comforter instead of thy self.”

4. Now Isaac was of such a generous disposition, as became the son of such a father: and was pleased with this discourse; and said, “That he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject the determination of God and of his father; and should not resign himself up readily to both their pleasures: since it would have been unjust if he had not obeyed, even if his father alone had so resolved:” so he went immediately to the altar to be sacrificed. And the deed had been done if God had not opposed it. For he called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbad him to slay his son, and said, “It was not out of a desire of human blood, that he was commanded to slay his son; nor was he willing that he should be taken away from him whom he had made his father: but to try the temper of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a command. Since therefore he now was satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the surprizing readiness he shewed in this his piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings upon him: and that he would not be wanting in all sort of concern about him, and in bestowing other children upon him: and that his son should live to a very great age; that he should live an happy life, and bequeath a large principality to his children: who should be good and legitimate.” He foretold also that his family should increase into many nations: (40) and that those patriarchs should leave behind them an everlasting name: that they should obtain the possession of the land of Canaan, and be envied by all men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did not appear before, for the sacrifice. So Abraham and Isaac receiving each other unexpectedly, and having obtained the promises of such great blessings, embraced one another; and when they had sacrificed, they returned to Sarah and lived happily together. God affording them his assistance in all things they desired.

Chapter 14.

Concerning Sarah, Abraham’s wife; and how she ended her days.

1. Now Sarah died a little while after, [An. 1900] having lived one hundred and twenty seven years. They buried her in Hebron: the Canaanites publickly allowing them a burying place. Which piece of ground Abraham bought for four hundred shekels, of Ephron an inhabitant of Hebron. And both Abraham and his descendants built themselves sepulchres in that place.

Chapter 15.

How the nation of the Troglodytes were derived from Abraham by Keturah.

1. Abraham after this married Keturah, by whom six sons were born to him, men of courage, and of sagacious minds. Zambran, and Jazar, and Madan, and Madian, and Josabak, and Sous. Now the sons of Sous were, Sabathan, and Dadan. The sons of Dadan were, Latusim, and Assur, and Luom. The sons of Madian were, Ephas, and Ophren, and Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now for all these sons and grand-sons, Abraham contrived to settle them in colonies: and they took possession of Troglodytis, and the country of Arabia the Happy, as far as it reaches to the Red Sea. It is related of this Ophren, that he made war against Lybia, and took it; and that his grand-children, when they inhabited it, called it from his name Africa. And indeed Alexander Polyhistor gives his attestation to what I here say: who speaks thus: “Cleodemus the Prophet, who was also called Malchus, who wrote an history of the Jews, in agreement with the history of Moses, their legislator, relates, that there were many sons born to Abraham by Keturah. Nay he names three of them, Apher, and Surim, and Japhran: That from Surim was the land of Assyria denominated; and that from the other two Apher, and Japhran, the country of Africa took its name, because these men were auxiliaries to Hercules, when he fought against Libya and Antæus: and that Hercules married Aphra’s daughter, and of her he begat a son Didorus: and that Sophon was his son, from whom that barbarous people called Sophacians were denominated.”

Love is sacrifice.

BrentKoivopolo888
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Grand Inquisitive

Just renamed my cat Gandalf because I found out he's a male cat.

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JOSEPHUS Aug 11, 2021 23:47:19 GMT -6

Post by BrentKoivopolo888 on Aug 11, 2021 23:47:19 GMT -6

Chapter 16.

How Isaac took Rebeka to wife.

1. Now when Abraham, the father of Isaac, had resolved to take Rebeka, who was grand-daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife to his son Isaac, who was then about forty years old, he sent the ancientest of his servants to betroth her; after he had obliged him to give him the strongest assurances of his fidelity. [An. 1897] Which assurances were given after the manner following. They put each others hands under each others thighs: then they called upon God, as the witness of what was to be done. He also sent such presents to those that were there, as were in esteem, on account that that they either rarely or never were seen in that country. This servant got thither not under a considerable time: for it requires much time to pass through Mesopotamia, in which it is tedious travelling both in the winter, for the depth of the clay; and in summer, for want of water: and besides this for the robberies there committed: which are not to be avoided by travellers, but by caution beforehand. However, the servant came to Haran. And when he was in the suburbs, he met a considerable number of maidens going to the water. He therefore prayed to God, that Rebeka might be found among them, or her whom Abraham sent him as his servant to espouse to his son, in case his will were that this marriage should be consummated: and that she might be made known to him by the sign: that while others denied him water to drink, she might give it him.

2. With this intention he went to the well, and desired the maidens to give him some water to drink. But while the others refused, on pretence that they wanted it all at home, and could spare none for him, one only of the company rebuked them for their peevish behaviour towards the stranger; and said, what is there that you will ever communicate to any body; who have not so much as given the man some water? She then offered him water in an obliging manner. And now he began to hope that his grand affair would succeed: but desiring still to know the truth, he commended her for her generosity and good nature; that she did not scruple to afford a sufficiency of water to those that wanted it, though it cost her some pains to draw it. And asked, who were her parents? and wished them joy of such a daughter. And may’st thou be espoused, said he, to their satisfaction, into the family of an agreeable husband, and bring him legitimate children. Nor did she disdain to satisfy his enquiries, but told him her family. They, says she, call me Rebeka, my father was Bethuel: but he is dead; and Laban is my brother; and, together with my mother, takes care of all our family affairs; and is the guardian of my virginity. When the servant heard this, he was very glad at what had happened, and at what was told him: as perceiving that God had thus plainly directed his journey; and producing his bracelets, and some other ornaments which it was esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave them to the damsel; by way of acknowledgment; and as a reward for her kindness in giving him water to drink; saying, it was but just that she should have them, because she was so much more obliging than any of the rest. She desired also that he would come and lodge with them; since the approach of the night gave him not time to proceed farther. And producing his precious ornaments for women, he said, he desired to trust them to none more safely, than to such as she had shewed herself to be. And that he believed he might guess at the humanity of her mother and brother, that they would not be displeased, from the virtue he found in her. For he would not be burdensome: but would pay the hire for his entertainment, and spend his own money. To which she replied, that he guessed right as to the humanity of her parents: but complained, that he should think them so parsimonious as to take money. For that he should have all on free cost. But she said, she would first inform her brother Laban: and, if he gave her leave, she would conduct him in.

3. As soon then as this was over, she introduced the stranger, and for the camels, the servants of Laban brought them in, and took care of them, and he was himself brought in to supper by Laban: and after supper he says to him, and to the mother of the damsel, addressing himself to her, “Abraham is the son of Terah, and a kinsman of yours: for Nahor, the grand-father of these children, was the brother of Abraham, by both father and mother: upon which account he hath sent me to you, being desirous to take this damsel for his son to wife. He is his legitimate son; and is brought up as his only heir. He could indeed have had the most happy of all the women in that country for him: but he would not have his son marry any of them; but out of regard to his own relations, he desired him to match here: whose affection and inclination I would not have you despise. For it was by the good pleasure of God, that other accidents fell out in my journey, and that thereby I light upon your daughter, and your house. For when I was near to the city, I saw a great many maidens coming to a well; and I prayed that I might meet with this damsel; which has come to pass accordingly. Do you therefore confirm that marriage, whose espousals have been already made by a divine appearance: and show the respect you have for Abraham, who hath sent me with so much sollicitude; in giving your consent to the marriage of this damsel.” Upon this they understood it to be the will of God, and greatly approved of the offer: and sent their daughter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac married her, the inheritance being now come to him. For the children by Keturah were gone to their own remote habitations.

Chapter 17.

Concerning the death of Abraham.

1.A little while after this Abraham died: [An. 1862] he was a man of incomparable virtue; and honoured by God in a manner agreeable to his piety towards him. The whole time of his life was one hundred seventy and five years: and he was buried in Hebron, with his wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Ismael.

Chapter 18.

Concerning the sons of Isaac, Esau and Jacob. Of their nativity and education.

1. Now Isaac’s wife proved with child, after the death of Abraham: (41) and when her belly was greatly burthened, Isaac was very anxious, and enquired of God: who answered that Rebeka should bear twins: and that two nations should take the names of those sons; and that he who appeared the second, should excel the elder. [An. 1857] Accordingly she, in a little time, as God had foretold, bare twins: the elder of whom, from his head to his feet, was very rough and hairy: but the younger took hold of his heel as they were in the birth. Now the father loved the elder, who was called Esau: a name agreeable to his roughness, for the Hebrews call such a hairy roughness [Esau, or] Seir. (42) But Jacob the younger was best beloved by his mother.

2. When there was a famine in the land, Isaac resolved to go into Egypt: the land there being good: but he went to Gerar as God commanded him. Here Abimelech the King received him, because Abraham had formerly lived with him, and had been his friend. And as in the beginning he treated him exceeding kindly, so he was hindred from continuing in the same disposition to the end, by his envy at him. For when he saw that God was with Isaac, and took such great care of him, he drove him away from him. But Isaac, when he saw how envy had changed the temper of Abimelech, retired to a place called The Valley, not far from Gerar: and as he was digging a well, the shepherds fell upon him, and began to fight; in order to hinder the work: and because he did not desire to contend, the shepherds seemed to get the better of him. So he still retired, and dug another well: and when certain other shepherds of Abimelech’s began to offer him violence, he left that also, and still retired: thus purchasing security to himself by a rational and prudent conduct. At length the King gave him leave to dig a well, without disturbance: he named this well Rehoboth; which denotes a large space. But of the former wells, one was called Escon, which denotes strife: the other Sitenna, which name signifies enmity.

3. It was now that Isaac’s affairs increased, and his power was in a flourishing condition: and this from his great riches. But Abimelech thinking Isaac throve in opposition to him, while their living together made them suspicious of each other: and Isaac’s retiring shewing a secret enmity also; he was afraid that his former friendship with Isaac would not secure him, if Isaac should endeavour to revenge the injuries he had formerly offered him: he therefore renewed his friendship with him; and brought with him Philoc, one of his generals. (43) And when he had obtained every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac’s good nature, who preferred the earlier friendship Abimelech had shewed to himself and his father, to his later wrath against him, he returned home.

4. [An. 1817] Now when Esau, one of the sons of Isaac, whom the father principally loved was now come to the age of forty years, he married Adah, the daughter of Helon; and Aholibamah the daughter of Esebeon: which Helon and Esebeon were great Lords among the Canaanites: thereby taking upon himself the authority, and pretending to have dominion over his own marriages, without so much as asking the advice of his father. For had Isaac been the arbitrator, he had not given him leave to marry thus: for he was not pleased with contracting any alliance with the people of that country: but not caring to be uneasy to his son, by commanding him to put away these wives, he resolved to be silent.

5. [About An. 1800] But when he was old, and could not see at all, he called Esau to him, and told him, that besides his blindness, and the disorder of his eyes, his very old age hindred him from his worship of God [by sacrifice]; he bid him therefore to go out a hunting, and when he had caught as much venison as he could, to prepare him a supper: (44) that after this he might make supplication to God to be to him a supporter and an assister, during the whole time of his life: saying, that it was uncertain when he should die; and that he was desirous, by prayers for him, to procure, before-hand, God to be merciful to him.

6. Accordingly Esau went out a hunting. But Rebeka thinking it proper to have the supplication made for obtaining the favour of God to Jacob, and that without the consent of Isaac, bid him kill kids of the goats, and prepare a supper. (45) So Jacob obeyed his mother, according to all her instructions. Now when the supper was got ready, he took a goat’s skin, and put it about his arm: that by reason of its hairy roughness he might, by his father, be believed to be Esau: for they being twins, and in all things else alike, differed only in this thing. This was done out of his fear, that before his father had made his supplications, he should be caught in his evil practice, and lest he should, on the contrary, provoke his father to curse him. So he brought in the supper to his father. Isaac perceiving, by the peculiarity of his voice, who he was, called his son to him; who gave him his hand, which was covered with the goat’s skin. When Isaac felt that, he said, “Thy voice is like the voice of Jacob: yet beause of the thickness of thy hair, thou seemest to be Esau.” So suspecting no deceit, he eat the supper, and betook himself to his prayers and intercessions with God, and said, “O Lord of all ages, and Creator of all substance. For it was thou that didst propose to my father great plenty of good things; and hast vouchsafed to bestow on me what I have; and hast promised to my posterity to be their kind supporter, and to bestow on them still greater blessings. Do thou therefore confirm these thy promises, and do not over-look me, because of my present weak condition, on account of which I more earnestly pray to thee. Be gracious to this my son; and preserve him, and keep him from every thing that is evil. Give him an happy life, and the possession of as many good things as thy power is able to bestow. Make him terrible to his enemies, and honourable and beloved among his friends.”

7. [About An. 1800] Thus did Isaac pray to God; thinking his prayers had been made for Esau. He had but just finished them, when Esau came in from hunting. And when Isaac perceived his mistake, he was silent. But Esau required that he might be made partaker of the like blessing from his father that his brother had partook of. But his father refused it; because all his prayers had been spent upon Jacob. So Esau lamented the mistake. However, his father being grieved at his weeping, said, that “He should excel in hunting, and strength of body; in arms and all such sorts of work; and should obtain glory for ever on those accounts, he and his posterity after him: but still should serve his brother.”

8. Now the mother delivered Jacob, when he was afraid that his brother would inflict some punishment upon him, because of the mistake about the prayers of Isaac: for she persuaded her husband to take a wife for Jacob out of Mesopotamia, of her own kindred. Esau having married already Basemmath, the daughter of Ishmael, without his father’s consent: for Isaac did not like the Canaanites: so that he disapproved of Esau’s former marriages: which made him take Basemmath to wife, in order to please him: and indeed he had a great affection for her.

Chapter 19.

Concerning Jacob’s flight into Mesopotamia, by reason of the fear he was in of his brother.

1. Now Jacob was sent by his mother to Mesopotamia in order to marry Laban’s her brother’s daughter; (which marriage was permitted by Isaac, on account of his obsequiousness to the desires of his wife:) and he accordingly journeyed thro’ the land of Canaan: and because he hated the people of that country, he would not lodge with any of them, but took up his lodging in the open air, and laid his head on an heap of stones that he had gathered together. At which time he saw in his sleep such a vision standing by him: He seemed to see a ladder, that reached from the earth unto heaven, and persons descending down the ladder that seemed more excellent than human; and at last God himself stood above it, and was plainly visible to him: who calling him by his name, spake to him in these words:

2. “O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who art the son of a good father; and grand-son of one who had obtained a great reputation for his eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy present circumstances: but to hope for better times. For thou shalt have great abundance of all good things, by my assistance. For I brought Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when he was driven away by his kinsmen: and I made thy father an happy man. Nor will I bestow a lesser degree of happiness on thy self. Be of good courage therefore; and, under my conduct, proceed on in this thy journey: for the marriage thou goest so zealously about shall be consummated. And thou shalt have children of good characters: but their multitude shall be innumerable. And they shall leave what they have to a still more numerous posterity: to whom and to whose posterity I give the dominion of all the land, and their posterity shall fill the intire earth and sea, so far as the sun beholds them. But do not thou fear any danger; nor be afraid of the many labours thou must undergo: for by my providence I will direct thee what thou art to do in the time present, and still much more in the time to come.”

3. Such were the predictions which God made to Jacob. Whereupon he became very joyful at what he had seen and heard; and he poured oil on the stones; because on them the prediction of such great benefits was made. He also vowed a vow, that he would offer sacrifices upon them, if he lived, and returned safe; and if he came again in such a condition, he would give the tithe of what he had gotten to God. He also judged the place to be honourable, and gave it the name of Bethel: which, in the Greek tongue, is Θεία Ἑστία, [the house of God].

4. [About An. 1800] So he proceeded on his journey to Mesopotamia; and at length came to Haran: and meeting with shepherds in the suburbs, with boys grown up, and maidens sitting about a certain well, he stayed with them, as wanting water to drink: and beginning to discourse with them, he asked them, whether they knew such a one as Laban? and whether he was still alive? Now they all said they knew him, for he was not so inconsiderable a person as to be unknown to any of them; and that his daughter fed her father’s flock together with them; and that indeed they wondered that she was not yet come: for by her means thou might’st learn more exactly whatever thou desirest to know about that family. While they were saying this, the damsel came, and the other shepherds that came down along with her. Then they shewed her Jacob, and told her, that he was a stranger who came to enquire about her father’s affairs. But she, as pleased, after the custom of children, with Jacob’s coming, asked him who he was? and whence he came to them? and what it was he lacked, that he came thither? She also wished it might be in their power to supply the wants he came about.

5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred, nor by that affection which might arise thence; as by his love to the damsel, and his surprize at her beauty, which was so flourishing as few of the women of that age could vie with. He said then, “There is a relation between thee and me, elder than either thy or my births, if thou be the daughter of Laban. For Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor. Of the last of whom, Nahor, Bethuel thy grand-father was the son. Isaac my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the daughter of Haran. But there is a nearer and later cement of mutual kindred which we bear to one another. For my mother Rebeka was sister to Laban, thy father, both by the same father and mother. I therefore and thou are cousin-germans. And I am now come to salute you, and to renew that affinity which is proper between us.” Upon this the damsel, at the mention of Rebeka, as usually happens to young persons, wept, and that out of the kindness she had for her father, and embraced Jacob: she having learned an account of Rebeka from her father, and knew that her parents loved to hear her named; and when she had saluted him she said, that “He brought the most desirable and greatest pleasures to her father, with all their family, who was always mentioning his mother, and always thinking of her and her alone: and that this will make thee equal in his eyes to any advantagious circumstances whatsoever.” Then she bid him go to her father, and follow her, while she conducted him to him: and not to deprive him of such a pleasure, by staying any longer away from him.

6. When she had said thus, she brought him to Laban: and being owned by his uncle, he was secure himself, as being among his friends: and he brought a great deal of pleasure to them by his unexpected coming. But a little while afterward Laban told him, that he could not express in words the joy he had at his coming: but still he enquired of him the occasion of his coming; and why he left his aged mother and father, when they wanted to be taken care of by him; and that he would afford him all the assistance he wanted. Then Jacob gave him an account of the whole occasion of his journey, and told him, “That Isaac had two sons, that were twins; himself and Esau: who, because he failed of his father’s prayers, which by his mother’s wisdom were put up for him, sought to kill him; as deprived of the kingdom which was to be given him of God, (46) and of the blessings for which their father prayed: and that this was the occasion of his coming hither, as his mother had commanded him to do. For we are all, says he, brethren one to another: but our mother esteems an alliance with your family, more than she does one with the families of the country: so I look upon your self and God to be the supporters of my travels, and think my self safe in my present circumstances.”

7. Now Laban promised to treat him with great humanity, both on account of his ancestors, and particularly for the sake of his mother: towards whom he said he would shew his kindness, even tho’ she were absent, by taking care of him. For he assured him he would make him the head shepherd of his flock; and gave him authority sufficient for that purpose: and when he should have a mind to return to his parents, he would send him back with presents, and this in as honourable a manner as the nearness of their relation should require. This Jacob heard gladly; and said he would willingly, and with pleasure, undergo any sort of pains while he tarried with him: but desired Rachel to wife; as the reward of those pains: who was not only on other accounts esteemed by him; but also because she was the means of his coming to him: for he said he was forced by the love of the damsel to make this proposal. Laban was well pleased with this agreement; and consented to give the damsel to him; as not desirous to meet with any better son-in-law: and said he would do this, if he would stay with him some time, for he was not willing to send his daughter to be among the Canaanites: for he repented of the alliance he had made already by marrying his sister there. [About An. 1801 {says Whiston, though he said earlier we had already got through the year 1800}] And when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay seven years: for so many years he had resolved to serve his father-in-law: that having given a specimen of his virtue, it might be better known what sort of a man he was. And Jacob accepting of his terms, after the time was over, he made the wedding feast: and when it was night, without Jacob’s perceiving it, he put his other daughter into bed to him: who was both elder than Rachel, and of no comely countenance: Jacob lay with her that night, as being both in drink and in the dark. However, when it was day, he knew what had been done to him: and he reproached Laban for his unfair proceeding with him. Who asked pardon for that necessity which forced him to do what he did: for he did not give him Lea out of any ill design, but as overcome by another greater necessity: that, notwithstanding this, nothing should hinder him from marrying Rachel; but that when he had served another seven years he would give him her whom he loved. Jacob submitted to this condition: for his love to the damsel did not permit him to do otherwise: and when another seven years were gone he took Rachel to wife.

8. Now each of these had hand-maids, by their father’s donation. Zilpha was handmaid to Lea, and Bilha to Rachel: by no means slaves, (47) but however subject to their mistresses. Now Lea was sorely troubled at her husband’s love to her sister; and she expected she should be better esteemed if she bare him children. So she intreated God perpetually; and when she had borne a son, and her husband was on that account better reconciled to her, she named her son Reubel: because God had mercy upon her, in giving her a son: for that is the signification of this name. After some time she bare three more sons; Symeon, which name signifies that God had hearkned to her prayer. Then she bare Levi: The confirmer of their friendship. After him was born Judah: which denotes thanksgiving. But Rachel, fearing lest the fruitfulness of her sister should make her self enjoy a lesser share of Jacob’s affections, put to bed to him her hand-maid Bilha. By whom Jacob had Dan: one may interpret that name into the Greek tongue a divine judgment. And after him Nephthalim: as it were unconquerable in stratagems: since Rachel tried to conquer the fruitfulness of her sister by this stratagem. Accordingly Lea took the same method, and used a counter-stratagem to that of her sister’s. For she put to bed to him her own hand-maid. Jacob therefore had by Zilpha a son, whose name was Gad: which may be interpreted fortune. And after him Asher; which may be called an happy man, because he added glory to Lea. Now Reubel, the eldest son of Lea, brought apples of mandrakes (48) to his mother. When Rachel saw them she desired that she would give her the apples, for she longed to eat them. But when she refused, and bid her be content that she had deprived her of the benevolence she ought to have had from her husband; Rachel, in order to mitigate her sister’s anger, said, she would yield her husband to her; and he should lie with her that evening. She accepted of the favour, and Jacob slept with Lea, by the favour of Rachel. She bare then these sons, Issachar, denoting one born by hire: and Zabulon, one born as a pledge of benevolence towards her, and a daughter Dina. After some time Rachel had a son, named Joseph: which signified there should be another added to him.

9. Now Jacob fed the flocks of Laban his father-in-law all this time, being twenty years. [From about An. 1801 to about An. 1781] After which he desired leave of his father-in-law to take his wives and go home. But when his father-in-law would not give him leave, he contrived to do it secretly. He made trial therefore of the disposition of his wives, what they thought of this journey. When they appeared glad, and approved of it, Rachel took along with her the images of the gods; which, according to their laws, they used to worship in their own country; and ran away, together with her sister. [About An. 1781] The children also of them both, and the hand-maids, and what possessions they had, went along with them. Jacob also drove away half the cattle, without letting Laban know of it before-hand. But the reason why Rachel took the images of the gods although Jacob had taught her to despise such worship of those Gods, was this, that in case they were pursued, and taken by her father, she might have recourse to these images, in order obtain his pardon.

10. But Laban, after one days time, being acquainted with Jacob’s and his daughters departure, was much troubled, and pursued after them: leading a band of men with him: and on the seventh day overtook them, and found them resting on a certain hill: and then indeed he did not meddle with them: for it was even-tide. But God stood by him in a dream, and warned him to receive his son-in-law, and his daughters in a peaceable manner; and not to venture upon any thing rashly, or in wrath to them. But to make a league with Jacob. And he told him, that if he despised their small number, and attacked them in an hostile manner, he would himself assist them. When Laban had been thus forewarned by God, he called Jacob to him the next day, in order to treat with him; and shewed him what dream he had; in dependance whereon he came confidently to him, and began to accuse him. Alledging that he had entertained him when he was poor, and in want of all things; and had given him plenty of all things which he had. For, said he; “I have joined my daughters to thee in marriage, and supposed that thy kindness to me would be greater than before. But thou hast had no regard to either thy own mother’s relation to me, nor to the affinity now newly contracted between us; nor to those wives whom thou hast married; nor to those children of whom I am the grand-father: thou hast treated me as an enemy, by driving away my cattle; and by persuading my daughters to run away from their father; and by carrying home those sacred paternal images which were worshipped by my fore-fathers, and have been honoured with the like worship which they payed them, by my self. In short, thou hast done this whilst thou wert my kinsman, and my sister’s son, and the husband of my daughters, and was hospitably treated by me, and didst eat at my table.” When Laban had said this, Jacob made his defence: “That he was not the only person in whom God had implanted the love of his native country; but that he had made it natural to all men: and that therefore it was but reasonable that, after so long time, he should go back to it. But as to the prey, of whose driving away thou accusest me, if any other person were the arbitrator thou wouldst be found in the wrong. For instead of those thanks I ought to have had from thee, for both keeping thy cattle, and increasing them, how is it that thou art unjustly angry at me because I have taken, and have with me, a small portion of them? But then, as to thy daughters, take notice, that it is not through any evil practices of mine that they follow me in my return home; but from that just affection which wives naturally have to their husbands. They follow therefore not so properly myself, as their own children.” And thus far of his apology was made in order to clear himself of having acted unjustly. To which he added his own complaint and accusation of Laban: saying, “While I was thy sister’s son, and thou hadst given me thy daughters in marriage, thou hast worn me out with thy harsh commands, and detained me twenty years under them. That indeed which was required in order to my marrying thy daughters, hard as it was, I own to have been tolerable: but as to those that were put upon me after those marriages, they were worse; and such indeed as an enemy would have avoided.” For certainly Laban had used Jacob very ill. For when he saw that God was assisting to Jacob in all that he desired, he promised him, that of the young cattle which should be born, he should have sometimes what was of a white colour, and sometimes what should be of a black colour; but when those that came to Jacob’s share proved numerous, he did not keep his faith with him, but said he would give them to him the next year: because of his envying him the multitude of his possessions. He promised him as before, because he thought such an increase was not to be expected; but when it appeared to be fact, he deceived him.

11. But then, as to the sacred images, he bid him search for them: and when Laban accepted of the offer, Rachel being informed of it, put those images into that camel’s saddle on which she rode, and sat upon it; and said, that her natural purgation hindred her rising up. So Laban left off searching any farther: not supposing that his daughter in such circumstances would approach to those images. So he made a league with Jacob, and bound it by oaths, that he would not bear him any malice on account of what had happened: and Jacob made the like league, and promised to love Laban’s daughters. And these leagues they confirmed with oaths also, which they made upon certain mountains, whereon they erected a pillar, in the form of an altar. Whence that hill is called Gilead, and from thence they call that land, The land of Gilead at this day. Now when they had feasted, after the making of the league, Laban returned home.

Chapter 20.

Concerning the meeting of Jacob and Esau.

1. Now as Jacob was proceeding on his journey to the land of Canaan, Angels appeared to him, and suggested to him good hope of his future condition: and that place he named The camp of God. And being desirous of knowing what his brother’s intentions were to him, he sent messengers to give him an exact account of every thing; as being afraid, on account of the enmities between them. He charged those that were sent to say to Esau, that “Jacob had thought it wrong to live together with him, while he was in anger against him; and so had gone out of the country; and that he now, thinking the length of time of his absence must have made up their differences, was returning: that he brought with him his wives, and his children, with what possessions he had gotten; and delivered himself, with what was most dear to him, into his hands: and should think it his greatest happiness to partake together with his brother of what God had bestowed on him.” So these messengers told him this message. Upon which Esau was very glad, and met his brother with four hundred men. And Jacob when he heard that he was coming to meet him with such a number of men, was greatly afraid. However he committed his hope of deliverance to God; and considered how in his present circumstances he might preserve himself, and those that were with him, and overcome his enemies, if they attacked him injuriously. He therefore distributed his company into parts. Some he sent before the rest; and the others he ordered to come close behind: that so if the first were overpowered, when his brother attacked them, they might have those that followed as a refuge to fly unto. And when he had put his company in this order, he sent some of them to carry presents to his brother. The presents were made up of cattle, and a great number of four-footed beasts, of many kinds; such as would be very acceptable to those that received them, on account of their rarity. Those who were sent went at certain intervals of space asunder, that by following thick one after another, they might appear to be more numerous, that Esau might remit of his anger on account of these presents, if he were still in a passion. Instructions were also given to those that were sent to speak gently to him.

2. When Jacob had made these appointments all the day, and night came on, he moved on with his company: and as they were gone over a certain river, called Jabboc, Jacob was left behind; and meeting with an angel, he wrestled with him, the angel beginning the struggle: (49) but he prevailed over the Angel: who used a voice, and spake to him in words, exhorting him to be pleased with what had happened to him; and not to suppose that his victory was a small one; but that he had overcome a divine angel; and to esteem the victory as a sign of great blessings that should come to him; and that his offspring should never fail; and that no man should be too hard for his power. He also commanded him to be called Israel: which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that struggled with the divine Angel. (50) These promises were made at the prayer of Jacob. For when he perceived him to be the Angel of God, he desired he would signify to him what should befal him hereafter. And when the Angel had said what is before related, he disappeared. But Jacob was pleased with these things; and named the place Phanuel: which signifies The face of God. Now when he felt pain by this struggling, upon his broad sinew, he abstained from eating that sinew himself afterward; and for his sake it is still not eaten by us.

3. When Jacob understood that his brother was near, he ordered his wives to go before, each by herself, with the handmaids; that they might see the actions of the men, as they were fighting, if Esau were so disposed. He then went up to his brother Esau, and bowed down to him; who had no evil design upon him; but saluted him; and asked him about the company of the children, and of the women; and desired, when he had understood all he wanted to know about them, that he would go along with him to their father. But Jacob pretending that the cattel were weary, Esau returned to Seir: for there was his place of habitation. He having named the place roughness, from his own hairy roughness.

Chapter 21.

Concerning the violation of Dina’s chastity.

1. Hereupon Jacob came to the place, till this day called Tents [Succoth], from whence he went to Shechem: which is a city of the Canaanites. Now as the Shechemites were keeping a festival, Dina, who was the only daughter of Jacob, went into the city, to see the finery of the women of that country. But when Shechem, the son of Hamor the King saw her, he defiled her by violence: and being greatly in love with her, he desired of his father that he would procure the damsel to him for a wife. To which desire he condescended; and came to Jacob; desiring him to give leave that his son Shechem might, according to law, marry Dina. But Jacob, not knowing how to deny the desire of one of such great dignity; and yet not thinking it lawful to marry his daughter to a stranger; intreated him to give him leave to have a consultation about what he desired him to do. So the King went away, in hopes that Jacob would grant him this marriage. But Jacob informed his sons of the defilement of their sister, and of the address of Hamor; and desired them to give their advice, what they should do. Upon this, the greatest part said nothing; not knowing what advice to give. But Simeon and Levi, the brethren of the damsel, by the same mother, agreed between themselves upon the action following: it being now the time of a festival, when the Shechemites were employed in ease and feasting; they fell upon the watch, when they were asleep: and coming into the city, slew all the males; (51) as also the King, and his son with them: but spared the women. And when they had done this, without their father’s consent, they brought away their sister.

2. Now while Jacob was astonished at the greatness of this act, and was severely blaming his sons for it, God stood by him, and bid him be of good courage: but to purify his tents; and to offer those sacrifices which he had vowed to offer when he went first into Mesopotamia, and saw his vision. As he was therefore purifying his followers, he light upon the Gods of Laban, (for he did not before know they were stolen by Rachel:) and he hid them in the earth, under an oak, in Shechem. And departing thence, he offered sacrifice at Bethel; the place where he saw his dream, when he went first into Mesopotamia.

3. And when he was gone thence, and was come over against Ephrata, he there buried Rachel; who died in childbed; she was the only one of Jacob’s kindred that had not the honour of burial at Hebron. And when he had mourned for her a great while, he called the son that was born of her, Benjamin: (52) because of the sorrow the mother had with him. [About An. 1780] These are all the children of Jacob, twelve males, and one female. Of them eight were legitimate; viz. six of Leah, and two of Rachel: and four were of the handmaids: two of each: all whose names have been set down already.

Chapter 22.

How Isaac died, and was buried in Hebron.

1. From thence Jacob came to Hebron; a city situate among the Canaanites: and there it was that Isaac lived: and so they lived together for a little while: for as to Rebeka, Jacob did not find her alive. Isaac also died not long after the coming of his son; and was buried by his sons, with his wife, in Hebron: where they had a monument belonging to them from their fore-fathers. Now Isaac was a man who was beloved of God, and was vouchsafed great instances of providence by God, after Abraham his father; and lived to be exceeding old: for when he had lived virtuously one hundred and eighty five years,3 he then died.

Love is sacrifice.